Henry Stanley Bennett, The Impact of Invasion and Occupation on the Civilians of Okinawa (1946)

 

The Impact of Invasion and Occupation on the Civilians of Okinawa

By Commander Henry Stanley Bennett (M.C.), U. S. Naval Reserve
February 1946 Proceedings Vol. 72/2/516

Preface 

This report seeks to present certain features of the material and psychological effect on the Okinawans of our invasion and the subsequent operations and occupation, and of some of the policies and practices with which the people have come in contact during the first three months following our initial landings.

 

Background.

The people of Okinawa, though racially akin to the Japanese, have for centuries been peace-loving and law- abiding agrarians looking to China for cultural leadership. Their islands have been unmarred by war for over six centuries, except for the brief and not very destructive Satsuma invasion of 1609, when a Japanese protectorate was established. Conditions remained tranquil and undisturbed until well after the Japanese annexation of 1871 The people submitted with docility to Japanese conscription methods, sent their sons to war without enthusiasm, and changed their ways and outlook but slightly right up to the time of our assault on the island.

 

Without doubt, our military operations in the Okinawa Gunto have caused far greater disruption, destruction, and casualties than any previous violent historical episode in the archipelago, and cannot be regarded by the people as anything but a calamitous disaster.

 

Characteristics of the people of Okinawa and neighboring islands.

Although Okinawa had been incorporated as an integral part of Japan and the citizenry had been given at least legal or theoretical equality with Japanese in the main islands, it is now apparent that there are certain differences between the two groups.

 

Similarities between Okinawans and Japanese may be seen in that both groups show the same thrift and industry and docility to established authority.


Differences between Okinawans and Japanese may be presented as follows:

(1) Okinawa has no military tradition. It has been peaceful for centuries, whereas Japan has known and glorified warfare and warriors since prehistoric times.

 

(2) In Okinawa much remains of the former cultural orientation towards China, so that the characteristic Japanese glorification of military virtues and achievements has not been implanted deeply in the people. Those Okinawans in whom it has been instilled most deeply are soldiers, the majority of whom are not on the island, but overseas and unlikely to return in any numbers except as chastened prisoners of war.

 

(3) The nationalistic orientation of Shintoism and Emperor worship has been introduced into Okinawa within the memory of living souls. It has taken but shallow root, and should soon wither. Indigenous and ancient superstitious animism and spirit worship remain strong.

 

(4) Okinawans are faced with facts refuting much of the false Japanese propaganda and indoctrination to which they have been subjected in recent years. Destroyed have been the fostered notions that the Japanese armed forces are invincible; that it is the divine destiny of Japan to rule the world; that Japan would protect them; that Japanese soil would never be violated, and that American troops are beasts who would rape the women and kill all inhabitants.


It is apparent that the Okinawan people as a whole have not the remotest conception of the issues of this war as we see them. Along with the Formosans, the Okinawans became entangled passively as a result of the Japanese annexation of the islands in the late nineteenth century. One cannot fairly attribute to them aggressive propensities or war-guilt and there appears to be no particular justification for adopting a vengeful or punitive attitude towards the Okinawan populace as a whole.

 

Effect of operations on population and sex ratio.

In 1940, the population of the Okinawa Gunto was slightly over 475,000; 435,000 being on Okinawa Island. The population density on Okinawa Jima was 901 per square mile. This is nearly twice the population density of Japan proper and over twenty times that of continental United States. On Okinawa the sex ratio was 115 women to every 100 men.

 

During the last twenty-five years, there has been a tendency towards a decrease in population in the Okinawa Gunto. This decrease can be attributed to emigration of Okinawans to Japan proper, to the Japanese mandated islands, to the Hawaiian Islands or elsewhere. Migration to Japan has been particularly heavy in the last few years in order to provide labor for war plants. This emigration took away more men than women, contributing to the sex ratio cited above.

 

After the outbreak of the “Greater East Asia War,” conscription into the Japanese Army or Navy removed many of the able- bodied men from Okinawa. Prior to October 10, 1944, the greater number of men so conscripted were scattered throughout the Empire and conquered areas. Perhaps 15,000 males left the island in this way. This conscription would further reduce the civilian population of Okinawa to 420,000 and increase the aberrant sex ratio to that of 125 women to 100 men.

 

Subsequent to the first great air strike on Okinawa on October 10, 1944, the disruptive trends in the population were accentuated.


Many of the wealthy and prominent people and administrative officials attempted to flee to Japan. Some were sunk on the way. Perhaps 5,000 people succeeded in leaving Okinawa for the purposes of flight, most of these being Japanese, as contrasted with Okinawans.

 

After the first of the year of 1945, virtually every able-bodied Okinawan of military age was conscripted, the bulk of them into the Boei Tai, or Home Guard Force. Some of these have subsequently found their way into regular army units. In either case, about 30,000 additional conscripts were removed thus from the civilian population, the majority destined for slaughter or capture in the defense of the island.

 

The effect of the flight and the loss of those conscripted recently would be to reduce the civilian population of Okinawa to less than 400,000 and further accentuate the sex ratio to that of about 140 women to 100 men.

 

Thus it appears that conscription of males and loss of those conscripts in battle on Okinawa and elsewhere have reduced the population by fully 10 per cent, greatly increased the ratio of women to men, and subjected the populace to the nearly complete decimation of a generation of able-bodied males.

 

The extent of the total reduction of the population can only be estimated at present. The 10 per cent of the population conscripted into the army or home guard must be written off. Perhaps 5,000 fled. Civilian casualties from bombing, shellings, and other exigencies of war cannot be estimated accurately, but were undoubtedly very heavy, particularly in the group caught behind the Japanese lines during the fighting. Prolonged periods of hiding in caves on meager rations and in poor sanitary conditions favored toll from disease, particularly among small infants and the aged and infirm. It is probable that a certain number of civilians have been sealed in caves, although efforts were made to avoid thus interring civilians.

 

On July 12, there were about 265,000 civilians within our custody on Okinawa. Allowing for stragglers in areas not yet combed thoroughly, it seems unlikely that there were many more than 300,000 Okinawans left alive on the island, leaving between 75,000 and 100,000 civilians—perhaps one quarter of the population—unaccounted for. Unless this loss can be attributed to some large unknown emigration, one can only conclude that most of them have perished from one cause or another resulting directly or indirectly from hostilities.


Among the civilians within our lines in mid-July, children under twelve years and old folks over forty-five comprised the greater part of the total number. Adult women outnumbered adult men by well over two to one. There were very few men of family-producing age in the group.

 

Effect of operations on population distribution.

The surviving civilian populace has been completely dislocated. The air attack on October 10 destroyed 80 per cent of Naha and killed an unknown number of civilians. Many survivors who considered themselves in likely target areas left their homes and sought refuge in the countryside, oftentimes miles from their place of domicile. Among civilians entering our lines during the first week of April, 1945, were some who had been residents of Naha and who had been living in caves in the hills since October, 1944.

 

Following this great raid, civilians set assiduously about digging themselves air-raid shelters and caves. This was in addition to the extensive fortifications undertaken by the military. Many thousands of holes were thus hewn out, and in some instances tombs and natural caves were prepared and improved for utilization as shelters. Although each of these formed a potential defensive position, in actuality few of the caves in the northern three-quarters of the island were used defensively, the majority of them serving solely as civilian refuges and a smaller number for the storage of supplies or munitions.

 

After October, the voluntary partial evacuation of Naha and other sectors in the south was aggravated by an attempt on the part of the military to remove most of the civilians in that area. A prefectural order is said to have been put out ordering civilians living in the Shuri-Naha area and to the south to leave for the northern part of the island. The main purpose behind this may have been to remove civilians from the anticipated main defensive area, both for their own safety and to reduce the demands on food supplies available for the defending forces. Some civilians were evicted from their homes so their premises could be used by the military. In any case, the greater number of inhabitants of the area in question did go north, so that by the time of our landings and the establishment of a definitive front line across the island north of Machinato and Yonabaru airfields in mid-April, it was estimated that over three-quarters of the civilians were north of (or within) our lines, whereas beforehand over two-thirds of the populace dwelt in the area to the south.

 

During late 1944 and early 1945, movement of civilians was largely confined to the inhabitants of the southern areas. However, during March our air strikes on the island picked up again, and on March 20, a naval blockade was instituted and systematic reduction of defenses commenced by naval gunfire and air attack. Attention was directed towards the areas backing landing beaches or alternate beaches and at supposed or actual gun positions, pillboxes, barracks, suicide boat or midget sub bases, and the like. Many of these actual or supposed installations were in or near villages or towns, and inhabited areas north of Naha began to suffer extensive damage at this time.


Casualties were inflicted on civilians during this phase, and as the threat to an area materialized, the inhabitants felt prompted to move to the hills. Towns and villages not subjected to gunfire or air attack were, nevertheless, usually evacuated later on when advancing troops approached, oftentimes many days after our landings. As a result, virtually every inhabited locality overrun by our troops was found deserted, whether or not the houses were damaged extensively. Hence, for all practical purposes, it is safe to say that virtually every inhabitant of Okinawa was impelled by our military activities to leave his home and live elsewhere for a period varying from a few days to several months.

 

Displacement of civilians within our lines.— Within a day or two after our landings, civilians began to appear within our lines. Most of those taken at first were aged Okinawans who were too feeble to travel far, and who were found hiding in caves near their villages. It was quite evident that the inhabitants were fearful of us, and many continued to flee before our advance. However, within a week 10,000 civilians had entered our custody, and by the end of April the figure stood at 120,000.’

Military government temporarily set up civilian concentration areas at Sobe and at Koza, and later permanent ones at Ishikawa, Jinuza, Taira, and elsewhere, in which the great majority of civilians were placed. These sizable villages showed considerable damage, but possessed many habitable dwellings. Women, children, and old folks were placed in such villages, usually under very crowded conditions. Able-bodied men were confined to stockades for reasons of security. The people in any given concentration did not represent the inhabitants of that locality; so complete had been the dislocation and so variable the wandering of individuals during operations that each camp displayed an indiscriminate mixture of inhabitants from many parts of the island.

There was a considerable shift of population even subsequent to an initial adjustment under Military Government. Several sizable concentrations of civilians were moved completely weeks or months after being established. These movements were necessary in order to make more land available for base development, or in order to remove people from areas of danger from enemy air attack.

Noteworthy among these post-occupational population shifts instigated by our forces is the case of the inhabitants of northern and western Motobu Peninsula, where war damage to houses was comparatively slight, and where no heavy fighting took place. Most of the inhabitants left their villages to hide in the hills when troops initially went over the area in early and mid-April. Within a few days their fear was overcome and they returned to their own homes, even though in many instances troops were encamped near by. The people resumed their village life and planting and harvesting as best they could, and for two months and a half lived peaceably much as before the invasion, being the only community on the island to be so fortunate. After the cessation of organized resistance, it became necessary to put troops into the area for rehabilitation purposes, and the civilian population was accordingly evacuated. Very little preparation was made to receive these people in the area to which they were moved and about 20,000 of them were driven in trucks to an east coast area and deposited in open fields. It was several days before all of them were given even minimal shelter.


Thus it develops that virtually the entire population of Okinawa Shima has been displaced and disorganized by our invasion. Survivors are destined to be cared for in relatively small areas of concentration without regard to their original place of domicile. On some of the outlying islands of the Okinawa Gunto the displacement is less drastic.

Separation of families.—A very pitiful concomitant of the Okinawa operation, as of all wars, has been the separation of numerous families during the disorganization and hasty flight of the people. In a few instances families were unintentionally separated by our own agencies, who in the early confused days on occasion brought Okinawan women in to supposed safety from the hills, only to learn that the children had been left behind because no one in the patrol could understand the women’s protestations when they were led away without an opportunity to go into the caves to get their infants. Many families have been reunited after temporary separation and steps are under way to do the same for other split households, but it seems improbable that complete success is likely to be achieved.

The effect of operations on property.— Buildings on Okinawa did not fare well during this campaign. The air strike of October 10,1944, leveled 80 per cent of Naha and did extensive damage elsewhere. Subsequent air strikes, naval gunfire, and artillery missions have wrought great destruction. The 20 per cent of Naha which survived October 10 is now gone. Shuri, a town of 18,000, is entirely destroyed. All towns and sizable villages have sustained extensive damage. A few remote small villages and many isolated farmhouses survived the fighting almost intact. In most towns and villages a few houses still stand with little or no damage.

Particular attention was paid to schools and other large buildings by our air strikes and naval gunfire missions. It may be they were regarded as “possible barracks.” The Ai Raku En Leper Colony on Yagaji Shima was destroyed in a series of attacks, and we were faced with the necessity of providing sufficient material to restore partially the institution in order that lepers might have minimum humanitarian care. Many schools were similarly singled out for destruction in areas which were occupied days later without any resistance. Very extensive damage was done in Nago by artillery after the town had been completely evacuated, and after it had been entered and reconnoitered by our own Military Government officials, who found it clear of enemy, but who were forced to retire because of our own artillery fire. Such unnecessary destruction deprived our forces of many usable buildings and accentuated greatly the very grave overcrowding and shortage of shelter with which the civilians within our care were confronted.

However, perhaps the greater part of the destruction of buildings was a necessary or unavoidable concomitant of war. This was particularly true in Sobe, Kadena, and elsewhere in the vicinity of our landing beaches, and in Shuri, Naha, and other towns which was utilized defensively by the enemy.


An estimated 60 or 70 per cent of the buildings on Okinawa appear to have been destroyed or severely damaged as a direct result of operations. Those remaining intact or slightly damaged after the fighting have not been left undisturbed. A great number have been or are destined to be dozed under to make room for roads, airfields, or other installations. Thus the village of Kadena is now buried in the traffic circle at an important intersection. Rubble from the houses contributed to the fill used in the roads. Roads leading through inhabited localities have usually been widened or straightened without regard to the necessity for cutting through existing ruins or through damaged or intact buildings, even though the process might wipe out an entire village, as was the case at Hiza.

Numerous damaged and intact buildings have been torn down by natives under our supervision for purposes of salvaging building materials. The lumber and tile so salvaged have been transported to concentration areas for construction of shelters for the overcrowded natives.

There was considerable destruction of buildings by burning in areas well behind the fighting front. Many of these fires were accidental or resulted from carelessness. Some were burned deliberately by individuals who sought to remove an alleged health hazard or to clear an area desired for other purposes. This practice was forbidden because of the necessity for salvaging all possible building materials. A number of houses were burned by Japanese guerrillas operating in the north. In the aggregate, these losses have been considerable.

At present, most of the civilians are concentrated in areas which formerly housed only a very small fraction of the people. A redistribution of the population will be necessary. At the time of the cessation of hostilities with Japan, virtually every Okinawan had to be rehoused. For a long time, they must live in temporary houses, most of them yet to be built.

The destruction of houses on Okinawa during the war was virtually complete. A few shrines and historic monuments of antiquity survive, most notably the ancient Nakagusuku Castle, dating from the fourteenth century.


Personal properly and household effects.— Here again, the degree of destruction has been overwhelming, but is not total. A great part was burned in houses ignited during operations or subsequently.

When people left their homes and fled to caves in the hills, they took with them what they could carry in the way of food or clothing. As people found themselves confronted with the apparent necessity for living for prolonged periods in the hills they tended to make excursions back to the villages to replenish their supplies or to add to their stores of clothes. Many took lacquerware, china, or other valuables with them into the caves, deeming their treasures safer there. The natives do not appear to have been entirely scrupulous in removing items from villages for use in the hills, and it is evident that there was a considerable amount of looting of houses by natives themselves. It is quite understandable why a man from Naha, cut off from his home by war, or one whose house had been burned, might not be hesitant to enter any deserted house in search of food or clothing for his family in a distant cave.

Of the material taken into the caves, the greater part of it was lost or damaged beyond usefulness. Much of it was abandoned as the people fled from cave to cave or finally came into our lines. As our troops advanced, they overran many hundreds of caves containing a great litter of clothing, bed covers, pots of beans, rice, utensils, household valuables, and the like.

Our troops contributed somewhat to the loss of such items as they passed through villages and caves. Souvenir hunters took some lacquer and chinaware, but comparatively little in the way of usable clothing or gear. However, many hundreds of the straw tatami mats used on the floors were burned or destroyed by troops, who had no appreciation of their value to the natives, and who did not realize that the natives slept on them. This was a serious loss to the people.

Systematic efforts to salvage remaining gear were instituted by Military Government after natives had entered our custody and concentration areas had been organized. Parties of women and older children went out under MP protection and searched deserted and damaged houses, bringing in food, clothing, coverings, and other useful items, without regard to original ownership. Even with complete salvage of all the remaining gear on the island there will be insufficient clothing and covering for the people, and great hardship may ensue if the situation is not improved before winter. Stocks of yard goods were depleted before we landed, and there are few looms or spinning machines left with which to commence making textiles anew. Clothing being worn currently cannot be expected to last very long, and it is evident that the entire surviving population faces the necessity for a complete restocking of clothing, covering, tatami, and other household gear before it can settle down to any semblance of a normal life.


Official records, deeds, etc.—The great raid of October 10, 1944, destroyed the Okinawa Prefectural Office in Naha, as well as the Police Station, City Hall, Tax Office, Post Office, and other important public buildings. It is unlikely that the records in these buildings previously had been removed and in all likelihood they were totally destroyed. Thus the largest repositories of official records on Okinawa are denied us.

Furthermore, there is much evidence that the Japanese attempted to destroy systematically all official records in other towns as we threatened to overrun them. Responsible officers entered Nago, Onna, and certain other towns and villages either before or with the assault troops. They had an opportunity to examine the Town Halls, Post Offices, and other public buildings before they had been in any way disturbed by our forces. The great bulk of records was found to be destroyed or so disrupted as to be nearly valueless.

In Itoman some civil and police records were found in good condition.

In Nago certain newspaper archives and stores of official records were recovered initially in fair condition, but were later broken into by our troops and badly souvenired.

No town or village so far has yielded a completely intact file of official records. It is apparent that the Japanese succeeded largely in denying us access to these papers, though in some small part they may have been aided in this respect by our own troops.


Rather pathetic efforts by small householders to save their own deeds, property certificates, tax receipts, bank books, postal savings accounts, and the like, were evident. Neat bundles or boxes of such documents have been uncovered in corners of caves or domestic air-raid shelters, or in buried jars or other places of fancied safety. Later, more acute emergencies caused these documents to be abandoned entirely in most instances, and in any case the destruction of banks and the impact of our invasion have been such as to render such papers nearly worthless.

Thus we are faced with a virtual complete loss of all documents on which we might base any continuity of administration or economy. No adequate records are available on which we might be able to make an equitable settlement of property disputes after the war. Political records, conscription records, and the like are missing. An entirely fresh start will have to be made.

Land.—Prior to our landings Okinawa had a primarily agrarian economy, but agriculture, even supplemented by fishing, did not provide the food required by the population and much rice, wheat, beans, and other staples were imported.

Fishing came to a standstill because of destruction of boats and prohibitions by military command. Wheat, beans, sweet potatoes and other crops were ripening in the fields when we invaded the island. Civilians within our custody were taken out in parties to harvest these crops for utilization. However, there was little new planting or cultivation of fields except in limited areas near concentrations. Even these crops are unlikely to be harvested completely, and agriculture on Okinawa seems destined to come to a virtual standstill with little prospect of appreciable renaissance for at least a year or more.

When opportunity affords a resumption of agricultural pursuits by the Okinawans, the acreage available for that purpose will be reduced greatly. The voracious demands of airfields, roads, port facilities, and other installations are such as to take up a large fraction of the flat terrain which comprises the main agricultural resources of the island. Many fields have been torn up badly by trucks, tractors, and the like, and a certain amount of soil has been scraped off to provide fill. The elaborate system of drainage and small dams which served formerly to control run-off and erosion has been damaged or destroyed in many localities and neglected in others and many fields not utilized directly in base development will suffer extensive loss of topsoil and erosion.


Much of this damage is likely to be irreparable. Topsoil washed to sea cannot be replaced. Even if some of the airfields or roads be abandoned after they have served their purpose, there will be little prospect of restoring fertility to the hard coral-filled strips for many years. One must face the fact that our operations and base developments have reduced seriously and permanently the future capacity of Okinawa to support human life by agriculture.

Effect on the health of natives.—So far, there is no indication that factors accompanying our invasion have caused any serious deterioration in the health of the natives in our custody except for the actual casualties inflicted in battle. This is remarkable indeed, considering the conditions the natives were living in during such time as they were abiding in caves. It may betoken a high degree of natural resistance to the diseases endemic in the area. However, scabies, various skin infections, lice, fleas, and the like have flourished during cave life and the subsequent overcrowding. Crowded conditions in concentration areas lend themselves to the spread of disease, and one can look for the possibility of an increased incidence of tuberculosis and of certain other maladies in the future.

The psychological effect of invasion and occupation on the Okinawans.—Oriental and occidental visitors to Okinawa in days prior to the Japanese annexation reported uniformly that the people of the island were hospitable and polite. Commodore Perry was received kindly in Okinawa, in contrast to his experiences in Japan proper. There appears to be no tradition of hostility to foreigners such as has characterized long periods of Japanese history.

The Japanese have endeavored to impose their patterns of thought on the Okinawans. It is now evident that in this enterprise they have not had any great degree of success.

In spile of the fact that our invasions and air attacks have wrought such havoc and dislocation on the island, the Okinawans in our custody do not appear to hate us particularly. Indeed if it were not for the presence on the island of scattered Japanese military personnel and certain residual Japanese officials attempting to stir up the Okinawans, it is doubtful if they would cause us any appreciable trouble.


The Okinawans were informed by the Japanese that if Americans landed the people would be slaughtered with great cruelty, one and all. Apparently, the enemy did not anticipate the extent of the physical changes we would wreak on the island or understand what its impact on the civilians would be, or if they did appreciate this factor, little effort was made to exploit it for propaganda purposes. The Okinawans were told of our expected carnal cruelty through newspapers, over the radio, and by word of mouth.

There was nothing in our pre-invasion bombardments to cause the Okinawans to disbelieve the propaganda supplied them, and as our troops landed and advanced the populace fled almost without exception, fearing for their lives even though much of the island was overrun without fighting.

That deep fear of torture or death was uppermost in the minds of most of them was apparent to any who watched civilians enter our custody, particularly in the first few days and weeks. Aged Okinawan obasans (grandmothers) discovered in caves were often hiding in deep recesses covered head and foot with quilts, and when uncovered by marines would kneel and bow their foreheads to the deck time after time with hands prayerfully pressed palms together before them, beseeching their discoverers most piteously to spare their ancient lives. Their relief on being reassured and kindly treated was so marked and apparent as to leave no doubt of the validity of their expressed emotions. In like manner, mothers or old folks entering our lines in desperation because of the intolerable conditions of cave life often displayed on first contacting troops such apprehension and fear as to cause them to tremble; yet after a day or two in the security of the concentration area their attitude would change visibly and they would relax and smile and co-operate happily in the camp routine.

The average American soldier or marine on Okinawa proved to be kindhearted and friendly towards the natives, especially towards the children, and the cheery greetings and largess of GI rations, candy, or even cigarettes poured out on civilian wayfarers along the roadside from jeeps and trucks did much to overcome their initial fear of us, and to convert this fear into reciprocal friendliness.

Thus, on initial contact with our troops, most Okinawans found their fears of bodily harm unfounded, and the resulting relief seemed to mitigate in large measure their dismay at contemplating the loss of their homes.


Once taken into civilian concentration areas Okinawans have found that their principal contacts with Americans have been with Military Government personnel. Many of these Military Government people in daily contact with the natives have worked with great devotion for the welfare of the community in their care. The people have responded to this and have repaid kindness with gratitude. Without doubt, the hospitals and dispensaries set up for the people have been the greatest single factor in getting their good will.

It has struck many observers as remarkable that the Okinawans appear to accept philosophically discomforts, inconveniences, and hardships resulting from administrative foul-up or necessities of war, whereas similar experiences would set an occidental population into seething resentment and unrest. For example, the forced movement of 20,000 civilians from their villages on Motobu Peninsula into areas where not even minimal shelter was available did not provoke any incidents or trouble.

This point might be further amplified by recounting in some detail the experiences of civilians caught in the south behind the Japanese lines. These people suffered more severely than the general run of the population. Perhaps 50,000 or more were thus entrapped, either by choice or by chance. The Japanese military made no efforts to further their welfare, and provided them neither food nor medical attention nor supplies. On the contrary, the Nip soldiers often confiscated food and other necessities from slender civilian stocks, and towards the end were even evicting the bewildered natives from cave shelters coveted by a harassed soldiery. The unfortunate civilians were not only subjected to danger from chance shots, but also at times became targets of artillery, naval gunfire, or aerial attack as a result of being confused with the enemy troops.

Several tens of thousands passed into our lines in late June as organized enemy resistance collapsed in the southern part of the island. Their numbers had been greatly depleted by deaths already, and of those appearing at that time, about one-quarter were in need of medical attention and many were grievously wounded, some with injuries unattended for many days. Medical facilities for civilians were not provided in southern Okinawa, except for those which could be spared from hard-pressed tactical line units. As a result, the majority of the injured received inadequate or no medical attention when first coming into our lines. The people were crowded into trucks, wounded and all, and sent north over rough roads to concentration areas, some of which were 40 miles away. This bouncing ride was particularly hard on unsplinted fracture cases. The routing of truck-loads of civilians seems to have been confused, as truck drivers often found that the camp to which they were ordered to take the loads was unwilling to accept the people, and directions were given to take the natives on to another area, where in many instances the process was repeated. Thus truck drivers were often put into the position of shopping around to deliver their loads. During the ride and incident delays the people were not provided adequate food and water or treatment and many were removed from the trucks at the final destination dead or in a state too far gone to permit recovery. Small wounded children were particularly susceptible to dehydration during the trip.

Medical care, food, and water were available at the end of the journey, and those receiving such assistance were appreciative and grateful. Apparently they saw no reason why we should help them at all, and hence when at the end of the trip they received kind treatment, they regarded it as an unexpected windfall rather than as any right due them under humanity.


Within the concentration areas, civilians proved to be docile and co-operative, and appeared to be reasonably content for the time being to abide by the conditions the war had forced on them. There has been almost no evidence of hostility or acts of violence or treachery on the part of Okinawans directly in our care. Japanese soldiers attempting to mingle with civilians to escape capture were usually turned in to MP’s by the civilians themselves. Headmen came forth without hesitation and usually performed their duties as expected. Difficulties were experienced mainly in enforcing sanitary regulations and the like.

This state of affairs was disturbed slightly at times by guerrilla bands comprised of defeated remnants of enemy troops. They gathered together and organized after having been scattered by our operations and patrols, and have made forays into some of the concentration areas. Such guerrilla bands have killed some of the headmen and intimidated others, carried off food from civilian stocks, and thrown a discordant note into affairs. A number of headmen waxed fearful and resigned and a noticeable stir of mild apprehension became apparent. It is noteworthy that these guerrilla activities did not serve to turn the Okinawans against us, but rather brought resentment down on the Japanese themselves.

At the risk of oversimplification, one might summarize the attitude of the average Okinawan as follows: He appears to be desirous of being left in peace to farm his land, and is not particular as to the auspices under which he would labor. It appears to him that we are in Okinawa to stay, and that we intend to do what we can to see that the Okinawan is fed and cared for and given medical attention. He foresees the possibility of a tolerable life under us, and hence regards further interference from Japanese as undesirable. He hopes for an amelioration of the present crowded and inconvenient features of camp life, and desires normal family routine to be restored. He is grateful for the medical care and food supplied. He is willing to co-operate with the above ends in view, and is relieved to realize all his dire fears are not likely to materialize.

The reaction of certain Okinawans who have had previous contact with westerners differs somewhat. Several natives appeared who had lived for a while as colonists or otherwise in Hawaii, Peru, Brazil, or other localities in the Western Hemisphere. From the start they knew that Japanese tales of anticipated American atrocities were false. They entered our lines early in the campaign and without fear, and were in some instances of considerable assistance in persuading terror-stricken natives that we would protect them and in giving service as headmen.

The reaction of certain educated and intelligent Okinawans and Japanese people of whom one might speak as “intelligentsia” is also worthy of mention. Perhaps the characteristics of the salient features of this reaction were exemplified by Dr. Iyesaka and expressed in a signed statement he prepared and submitted (see appendix). In brief, such educated people had had some contact with Western liberal and scientific ideas and were impressed by them. This early liberal impression appears to have been submerged by repeated propaganda along orthodox Japanese philosophical lines reinforced by continued Japanese success in battle, until many persons seemed almost to believe that Japan was indeed a divine country destined to rule the world, and that the continued victories evidenced this concept. Such semi-convinced individuals conformed with the group about them until confronted by realities of defeat and a shattering of the mystical concepts of Japanese myths, whereupon they embraced anew the very same liberal and objective methods of thought which they had sought to repress for so many years.


It has been remarked often that orientals seem to feel deep psychological necessity to conform in patterns of thought with the predominant group around them. Now that our thoughts are predominent in Okinawa, this factor lends itself to our advantage.

Present tendencies.—By now (July 10) the violent disturbances of war have been accomplished and the people are settling down to a camp economy destined to continue for many months. Administrative organizations, courts, ration system, police systems, and the like arc working in the concentration areas with increasing efficiency. New housing is being erected in amounts sufficient to ameliorate partially the present very grave overcrowding. Native handicrafts are starting up again, and an effort is being made to make the people as self-sustaining as possible within the limitations set by the concentration areas. Perhaps surprisingly, the people seem to be reasonably happy under the circumstances prevailing.

It seems quite apparent that the Okinawans potentially lend themselves favorably to any long-range military utilization of the island of Okinawa. There seems to be no reason why, if handled properly, they cannot be turned into native citizens as loyal as the Guamanians or Filipinos. Every indication is that the Okinawans will respond favorably to an enlightened program incorporating adequate and sympathetic consideration of their health and material and psychological welfare. Such a program, properly integrated with the present and future military use of the island, may repay us many times over in case hostilities develop in the area after this war.

Appendix.—The following statement was prepared spontaneously by Dr. Kosaburo Iyesaka, a Japanese physician who was trained in a Japanese Imperial University medical school and who subsequently went to Okinawa and practiced many years in a village in the northern part of the island. He appeared inside our lines within a few days of the time in which his territory was overrun and went to work immediately assisting in the care of the numerous sick and injured Okinawans in our custody.

The statement was written in mid-April, 1945, entirely on his own initiative, without prompting or request in any form from any outside authority. The original statement is given here exactly as Dr. Iyesaka wrote it, including all the imperfections in English. The original statement was released to the press during the Okinawa campaign and has been printed in whole or in part in various newspapers throughout the country.


DOCTOR IYESAKA'S STATEMENT
Gentlemen:

Honourable Army and Navy Surgeons; High Officials of American campaign here:

Dear Doctors:

I beg your pardon to let me speak a little in this opportunity in meeting with you here in the battlefield. To show how I have felt, nay what the greater part of intelligentsia of Japan are thinking, about the war between Japan and America may be somewhat interesting for you to hear. For 1 am very sorry to see with my naked eye the accurate defeat of the Japanese Army which overshadows preluding the downfall of the great Japanese Empire having the glorious history during 3000 years. Such datum as the downfall of our Fatherland, Nippon, is a most tragical and horrible fact never to be thinked of by us Japanese. For we all Japanese thinks Japan as a Land of Gods (Shinkoku) (Kaminokuni) never to be trampled down by any other nation.

(1) Before six centuries against the great Mongolian Army.
(2) Before 50 years against the great Chinese Army.
(3) Before 40 years against the great Russian Army we get great victory every time at the moment of crisis of downfalling.
(4) Now against the great American Army this time Japan is waging a war which I can see with my naked eye and think over coolminded with the scientific investigation. God save us! The sad and most lamentable conclusions seem to come, quite different with three other eases.


These 3 miraculous victories over the greater nations resulted in aggrandizing and aggravating the value of legend and tradition handed down from the olden times of our forefathers. So we became self-conceited and superstitious dreamers through all classes of Japan, even in the Intelligentsia.

Some professors in the Imperial University who insisted his own free thought from the standpoints of true political science were compelled to be grave criminal. “2x2 = 4 is truth,” as you know. To them dreamers 2x2 = 6 seems like truth. The thought of the land of Gods dominion is against these elementary mathematical axioms. The war against the great American Army is the war of falsehood against truth, the war of tradition against theory, of restriction against freedom.

Now let me glance over the Okinawa people. Their health indeed arc on lamentable and pitiable conditions. The young men in Loochoo districts are sick and wretched from,

(1) Ancylostoma duodenale (ancylostomiasis).
(2) Filaria Bancrofti (filariasis, elephantiasis, bile or milk urine).
(3) Tuberculosis of lung and bone, and others.
(4) Leprosy of every kind, etc., etc.,

Okinawa Island have the highest percentage of leprosy so their efficiency as soldiers and any other workmen is much robbed and enfeebled. The defeat of Japanese Army Corps in Loochoo is a tragical and accurate fact which overshadows the defeat of Japan proper. The people of this small island which could not self-supply his own eating materials are almost starving. But the greater part of them are crimeless and pure at this emergency, unknown what or how they arc fighting. Their sons, houses, living materials, all of them dead or burnt down. Wandering and lodging here and here in the mountain caves and riversides crying and weeping, they are near death, overwhelmed with hideous fatigue. The false propaganda that the American Army should kill not only soldiers but them all, baby, old and weak, and should wipe off the name of Japan from the surface of the eastern globe planted the horrible thought of murderous death upon the brain of all Okinawans.

But the fact was reverse. I could see how the American soldiers are kind and upright to the poor and helpless peaceful man, giving them tobacco and cakes every time they meet. This fact totally different from the propaganda, was a wonder to them. Especially to found the Red Cross Hospital in which many excellent experts and good experienced Army and Navy Surgeons arc busy in helping all sick and wounded of people in general arc surely a mysterious wonder.

But I could not endure to see the miserable and pitiful scene of war on battlefield no more. I am praying for the speedy finish of war in Okinawa, this helping Okinawa from starving. Because if the war continues more, one month later today it is supposed they would really be starved and sickness get bad and dead. God help Okinawa and bless you. Lastly I am deeply indebted to you to give the permission to speak my insufficient English.

/s/ Dr. Kosaburo Iyesaka

 

40th NCB Cruisebook

 

40th NCB Record

Between the 27th and the 30th of April, the first battalion echelons landed on the east coast of Okinawa and developed their own beach. The remaining echelons landed during May.

 

Although the 40th Battalion was scheduled to immediately begin work on rehabilitating and expanding Chimu Airfield, the site was still in the heart of the battle zone and the work could not begin until May 6. The battalion built its camp near Chimu and was under Japanese attack from light mortar and small-arms fire through May. The Japanese also attempted to sabotage equipment and supplies with explosive charges. Frequent enemy contacts were made by Seabee reconnaissance survey parties and by Seabee outpost guards intercepting small enemy patrols and armed stragglers.

 

Upon the cessation of organized Japanese resistance on Okinawa, the 40th Battalion could exert most of its effort on building the airfield and working on base development projects. During the morning of July 1, one hundred United States planes arrived and Chimu airfield was put in operation on schedule. All the work was completed on the last day of the war.

 

Greatly diminished in strength because many Seabees had already left for the United States and demobilization in Operation Magic Carpet, the 40th Naval Construction Battalion was inactivated on Okinawa in November 1945. Thus the battalion ended three glorious years of building and fighting to defeat the Japanese on many islands of the Pacific Ocean.

 

40th NCB Cruisebook

On a Tuesday afternoon in September, 1944, the Fortieth stood at attention on the black-topped drill field of Camp Parks as Major General Bonesteel presented them with the Presidential Unit Citation for distinguishing themselves in action at Los Negros.

 

Back from their thirty days leave, the men settled down to stateside life at Camp Parks, with military training and technical schools during the day and liberty every other night. Camp Parks wasn't home but it tried to make up for it. As replacements came from all over the states the battalion was re-formed and on the thirty-first of October, Lt. Comdr. Rumbarger assumed command with Lt. Comdr. Grant as executive officer.

 

The holiday season went by, followed by the first soft breeze of scuttle-butt. We spent a week at the rifle range getting used to the carbine. When we received our inoculations and overseas equipment we felt that our time in the states was drawing to a close.

 

The first of February was cold and wet, and was the day we boarded our ship, the Adabelle Lykes, a small transport with practically every branch of the service represented in her complement. We anchored in the bay that night with the lights of San Francisco casting their reflections dimly on the waters around our ship. Outside, the air was damp and chilly with wisps of gray fog brushing by; while down in the holds the men were trying to acclimate themselves to the crowded and stuffy conditions.

 

Some of the ships in the harbor pulled out the next afternoon. The Adabelle's innards emitted a dull rumbling, pulled anchor, and took after them. As the sky darkened we passed under the Golden Gate Bridge and out to sea.

 

"Old Man Neptune" played havoc with many appetites for the first few days. The weather was bad and our little ship tossed like a cork in a washing-machine. Our convoy cut through the blue hillocks, bearing south-west. The weather cleared in a few days and as they passed, the sun appeared nearer and warmer. The decks were covered with small groups of men playing interminable games of cards. The days turned hot, at night the holds were stifling but on deck it was cool and serene.

 

We knew that our destination was the code word "HODE." In a short while we learned it meant Saipan, our staging area. We stopped at Pearl Harbor and spent two weeks; during which the Adabelle was repaired and waited for another convoy. We went on liberty five or six times, invading Honolulu, Waikiki and Fleet Landing. These unexpected liberties caught us unprepared and we had to borrow money and whites... At Eniwetok in the Marshalls we stopped again and spent another nine days, monotonously hot in the flat lagoon. By now we were well sick of the Adabelle with its dingy holds, inadequate food and imposing restrictions. The afternoons were long and the music played on deck only deepened our melancholy.

 

On the 18th of March the Adabelle Lykes finally docked in Tanapag Harbor, Saipan. By evening all but a few who remained for unloading and guard duty had gone ashore. Meanwhile trucks had been loaded with men and left for our camp site. It was a flat, level area overlooking the sea; and in the back- ground were the tall, grey cliffs, shell-blotched in a battle that is now history.

 

16'x50's were set up in the semi-darkness. Cots were handed out and small groups gathered outside the tents, mulling over the latest rumors. Our target area was called "BIVE" in code. In a short while we learned it meant Okinawa.

 

The temporary camp was erected quickly. Tents rose up and the mess hall was in use in a few days. After the staging work had been started, carbines were issued and target practice began... By the end of the month news came in that our Ryukyus were being blasted by the fleet... Then on Easter Sunday, the mess hall's radio announced that Okinawa had been invaded. The next day trucks began loading for our future home, all staging work had been secured and by the end of the week LST lists had been posted with approximately seven hundred men scheduled for the first echelon. An advance group of fifty-one men had been selected which included the bomb disposal unit, surveyors, and water-supply men. They embarked on the 11th.

 

Two days later the first echelon's LST's had been loaded. The troops went on board, carrying bulging packs, rifles, helmets, and other gear. Some were lucky enough to be assigned bunks in the hold, the majority rigged up sleeping quarters on deck between the superstructure, trucks, and other Seabee equip- age. Two days passed; and we moved; but only to anchor in the harbor. Down in the hold the radio spoke of increasing resistance on Okinawa. The days passed... and we wondered.

 

A week after boarding ship we left for Okinawa. The weather was excellent during the days, a calm sea and a clear sky, but the nights were rainy. Men awoke to find the rain pelting down on them and their gear under the cots floating away on the small lakes of rain water that washed across the deck. At dawn and dusk we went below as the gunnery crews took their battle stations. Submarine alerts came- but nothing happened. Our convoy went on, and on the 26th we passed a task force. It was good to see all that power and on our side. The sight of the ships put us in a mood of eager anticipation.

 

Our LST's steamed into Nakagusuku Wan the next afternoon and anchored off-shore; then a bar- rage of signaling began. The bay itself seemed strange. The air was quiet except for the occasional distant, hollow booming of the fleet shelling the opposite shore. American planes were diving out of the clouds in the distance and skimming above the tree-tops, then zooming away. They were dive bombing but little could be heard except for a distant pounding. Towards evening the bombarding of the fleet increased in tempo. Our air-raid signal clanged and we went below as the ship's crew raced to their gun positions. Down in the holds we settled about as comfortably as possible, smoking and playing poker with our invasion currency. The alert lasted for hours and another followed it. We were restless and the morning brought no signs of our going ashore.

 

During the latter part of the day our small convoy pulled anchor and steamed to the next bay up, Kimmu Wan. It was dark by the time we anchored and soon after the first alert was sounded. Fingering beams of light scraped the sky and when a Jap plane was found, four or five lights converged on him. Streams of 40's poured up as he crawled slowly above. A blotch of yellow fire mushroomed, followed by a dull "Errupmp" as the 90's opened up. The Jap blossomed into fire and began his dive... then in a few minutes all was quiet again except for the distant fleet and the artillery in the hills beyond. Alerts came and went, the steady rumbling kept on.

 

We set up a temporary camp near the beach where we unloaded. A few days later we moved on to Kin, a town of twenty thousand, most of whom appeared to be old people and children. A few days after our arrival the children of Kin, literally hordes of them, were out mooching cigarettes and rations from us, and yelling "Haba-Haba" at the passing trucks. By July it was a ghost town, for the "Gooks" as we termed the Okinawans had been moved to the northern sector of the island and the town had been torn down by our men and equipment; nothing remained but piles of rubble.

 

In the meantime, the second echelon had arrived from Saipan in two ships, the Mormacport and the Josiah Snelling, arriving in Nakagusuku Bay on the 14th of May. Two weeks later the Snelling, still being unloaded, was struck by a Kamikaze plane. Five thousand sacks of cement were lost but luckily none of our men were hurt.

 

Our permanent camp was set on four hills, overlooking the bay and not far from the town. Work in the camp went on, day after day. Roads were cut in the area, offices, shops, mess-halls and tents were erected. It was many weeks before common luxuries such as a movie area, electric lights and tent decks were installed because a more important job had been started as soon as we arrived. Our main assignment was to build an airfield for Marine Corsair flyers and have it in operation by July 1st. That meant we had less than two months and the rainy season was already upon us. When the days were dry the roads lay covered with a dusty powder which rose in clouds as the trucks roared by. When the rain came it was all transformed into a syrupy mire. Despite sixteen days of rain in May alone, the work went on. The site for our airfield was a nondescript little valley of rice paddies and cane fields. Under steady work the tran- sition was becoming apparent. We worked in shifts, all day and all night, grading the runway, cutting down hills and clearing the way. Hardstands and taxi-ways were completed, more were started. In the coral pit the dynamite crews were sweating over their jack-hammers and wagon-drills, blasting loose the coral for the shovels that loaded the never-ending stream of trucks. The men on night shift worked under flood lights, despite alerts unless the enemy planes were directly above.

 

More trouble broke loose as infiltrating snipers using knee mortars, lobbed shells into our transportation area injuring four guards and causing minor damage to machinery and at the same time fifty drums of our fuel were blown up by a time bomb. Alerts came nearly every night, sometimes three or four of them. Men stood on their foxholes, draped in towels or shorts, helmets on heads as they waited for the planes, watching red ribbons of tracers unravelling to the sky as a plane was caught in the web of lights. The strip worried us, it was close to camp and when the moon was full it was visible from a great distance. We crossed our fingers and hoped we would not be hit, and our luck held fast. The morning of July 1st one hundred planes arrived-Chimu Airfield was in operation on schedule. Everyone took a deep breath-then went back to work, for the strip had to be lengthened, broadened, and more hardstands were needed.

 

Besides our main job we had a tank farm to build and when it was partially completed we were assigned the construction of a Fleet Recreation Base on Tsugen Shima and the transforming of Route No. 13 from a native foot road to a super highway. Bridges were constructed on the highway and labor crews helped cut down hills for the widening of the road. The strip itself was completed on the last day of war. We didn't get to Tokyo but we succeeded in building the nearest Seabee airfield to Japan. Back in camp the Navy point system became the number one topic of the day.

 

After the hours of work the time passed slowly and monotonously but during August a little enter- tainment helped relieve it. We had two stage shows, the first featuring native religious dancing and the second, Kay Kyser and his troupe. Kyser's audience began streaming into the movie area from early morning, carrying home-made chairs and ration boxes for seats. The sun was hot and heavy and by the time Kyser arrived there were thousands in the audience. It was good to see American girls again.

 

Our camp area was wrecked twice by typhoons. We hardly had finished repairing the damage of the first one, when the second struck, almost completely demolishing the camp. Tents, offices, shops, and mess-halls alike were ruined. Quonset huts were twisted and torn from their concrete foundations during the height of the storm. We built the camp up once more, but it was only a half-hearted attempt since everyone was thinking of going home. The battalion had shrunk to two-thirds its original size and more men were leaving the outfit each month. But for all of us civilian life wasn't far off. We were thankful of that...

 

NHK 沖縄 11月12日 「学徒隊の新資料見つかる」

学徒隊の新資料見つかる

11月12日 18時01分

NHK 沖縄 News Web

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115012608p:plain

 

沖縄戦で動員された学徒隊のうち、戦死者の数などがわかっていなかった那覇市開南中学校について記された国の資料が新たに見つかりました。

 

見つけた中学校の男性教諭は今後、研究が進めば、これまで知られていない学徒隊の全容が明らかになる貴重な資料だとしています。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115012759p:plain

 

沖縄戦ではおよそ2000人の生徒が学徒隊として動員され、少なくとも半数が犠牲になったとされていますが、那覇市開南中学校に関しては、正式な資料がなく動員された人数や戦死者はわかっていません。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115013426p:plain

 

今回、開南中学校を含む5つの学校から学徒隊の名簿が国立公文書館で見つかり、12日、那覇市の松城中学校で公開されました。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115013515p:plain

 

名簿は厚生労働省が保管していたもので開南中学校については学徒として戦死したとされる71人分の名前のほか、住所や所属部隊も記されています。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115014725p:plain

 

また、5つの学校で動員された生徒の数はあわせておよそ1000人と、これまでわかっているものより大幅に多い人数が動員されたと記されています。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20191115030519p:plain

 

見つけた松城中学校の大城邦夫教諭はは今後研究が進めばこれまで知られていない学徒隊の全容が明らかになる貴重な資料だとしています。

 

大城教諭は「同窓会や研究者などに広く活用してもらい若者が犠牲になった事実を広く知ってもらえれば」と話していました。

 

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沖縄タイムス 2019年11月13日 沖縄戦学徒 新たな名簿/大城教諭入手 厚生省作成か 開南中の記載も

沖縄戦学徒 新たな名簿/大城教諭入手 厚生省作成か 開南中の記載も
沖縄タイムス 2019年11月13日

 沖縄戦で動員された学徒隊について独自に調査する那覇市立松城中学校の大城邦夫教諭が12日、国立公文書館で入手した複数の学徒隊名簿を公開した。これまで公的資料がなかった私立開南中学校の資料もある。大城教諭は「新資料ではないか。遺族や同窓生に活用してほしい。若者が犠牲になった沖縄戦に関心を持ってほしい」と話す。

 

 資料は厚生労働省から2017年度に公文書館に移管されたもので、大城さんが今年情報開示を求めた。開南中のほか、県立第一中、県立第三中、県立農林学校、名護青年学校4校分の学徒隊名簿などがあり、八重山中の資料も請求中だ。

 

 公的資料では動員数や死者数が「不明」とされている開南中の資料では、「未帰還者名簿」として71人分の名前や住所などが記されている。同窓会元会長の大田朝成さん(92)は「こんな話全く聞いたことない」と驚き、「戦死者数が分かって動員数は分からないというのも不思議だし、どう受け止めればよいか分からない」と話す。

 

 このほか、第一中学校の資料では「部隊編入状況」として編入人員600などの記載があり、同校の養秀同窓会が調べた動員数305人と異なる点もある。

 

 全学徒の調査を行うひめゆり平和祈念資料館の普天間朝佳館長は「600という数字はありえない」と話し、「資料作成の詳しい経緯も知りたい」と関心を寄せる。 

 

 石原昌家・沖国大名誉教授(平和学)は「内容から1955年以降の資料で、当時の厚生省が進めていた学徒隊の復員処理関連の資料ではないか」と指摘。調査員の氏名や学徒の父母名など細かく記してある資料もあり「正確な内容とうかがい知れる。作成経緯をきちんと調べれば今後の研究に活用できるのでは」と話す。

 

 

(写図説明)大城邦夫教諭

(写図説明)情報公開制度で明らかになった資料の一部(大城邦夫教諭提供)

写真:沖縄戦学徒 新たな名簿/大城教諭入手 厚生省作成か 開南中の記載も | 沖縄タイムス紙面掲載記事 | 沖縄タイムス+プラス

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沖縄タイムス 2017年2月15日 「1948年の米軍LCT爆発で新資料 伊江島の砲弾集積場、危険性放置」

1948年の米軍LCT爆発で新資料 伊江島の砲弾集積場、危険性放置

沖縄タイムス 2017年2月15日


1948年、住民178人の死傷者を出した伊江島の米軍LCT(上陸用舟艇)爆発事故は、直前に起きた砲弾集積場の火災を機に、処理を急ぐ中で起きた事故だったことが、14日までに関係者の調査で分かった。米軍による報告書によると、米軍は人材や設備不足から、伊江島の砲弾集積場の危険を放置し、沖縄本島内にある集積場の処理を優先していた。識者は「基地の中の沖縄という実態が伊江島に凝縮している」と指摘した。

 

f:id:neverforget1945:20190807210628p:plain

伊江島LCT爆発事故の2カ月前に起きた火災に関する報告書の一部(沖縄県公文書館蔵)

 

 同村出身で、爆発事件を調べる長嶺福信さん(68)が、県公文書館で、48年6月13日に起きた火災に関する115ページの報告書を確認した。火災は、爆発事故の2カ月前、伊江島北海岸の弾薬集積場で発生。弾薬が爆発し、広範囲に燃え広がり、住民が避難した。鎮火までに4日かかる大火災だった。

 報告書によると当時、米軍は沖縄戦の最中から、空軍1万2180トン、地上部隊2158トンの弾薬を保管。安全な保管方法の定めに抵触していたが、改善されず大火災につながったとした。

 添付資料として火災前年の47年、読谷・嘉手納、那覇など7カ所あった弾薬集積場の実態を示す年報があった。中でも伊江島は推計で砲弾保管量が最も多かった。だが人材や設備、費用の不足に加え、基地と住民への安全性の観点から、沖縄本島内にあった弾薬集積場の処理を優先。伊江島での処理は後回しとなった。

 報告書は、火災を受けて、伊江島での砲弾処理の遅延がないように指摘。米軍はこれを受けて、処理を急いだと見られる。報告書がまとめられた約1カ月後に、LCT爆発事故が起きた。

 

 同事故を調査した沖縄国際大学の石原昌家名誉教授は、伊江島の処理が後回しだったことに「伊江島は日本軍にとっても、米軍にとっても『不沈空母』だった。基地の中の沖縄の縮図が伊江島に表れている」と指摘した。 長嶺さんは報告書がきっかけとなって「事実を伝えるために、経験者が語ってくれれば」と期待する。同問題を調べる「沖縄の軌跡」発行人の島袋和幸さん(69)とともに、17日午後1時半から、伊江島はにくすにホールで関係者による座談会を開催する。

 

 

 

[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 187 (Wednesday, December 7, 2011)]

[House]

[Pages H8252-H8258]

 

 

 

                      HONORING NAVAJO CODE TALKERS

 

The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Reed). Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 5, 2011, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Gosar) is recognized for the remainder of the hour as the designee of the majority leader. GOSAR. Mr. Speaker, thank you for joining me this evening to talk about a very special group of veterans, the Navajo Code Talkers. Tonight, my colleagues and I are going to share their stories and highlight the amazing accomplishments of this group of warriors. Their contribution to the Allied effort during World War II is widely credited with winning the Battle of Iwo Jima and making majors gains in the Pacific. During the early months of World War II, Japanese intelligence experts broke every code the U.S. forces devised. The Japanese were able to decode and intercept communications with ease. To combat this, increasingly complex codes were initiated that sometimes took hours at a time simply to decipher one message. Guadalcanal in 1942 was a turning point for the Allied military forces, who realized that the military communications needed a new direction, and new inspiration. Fortunately, an innovative citizen named Philip Johnston had the answer. As the son of a Protestant missionary, Johnston had grown up on the Navajo reservation and was one of less than 30 non-Navajos fluent in the unique Navajo language. He realized that since it had no alphabet and was almost impossible to master without early exposure, the Navajo language was a perfect choice to form a new, impenetrable military code. In 1942, Johnston completed an impressive demonstration of the Navajo language to the Commanding General of the Pacific Fleet headquartered in San Diego. He was then given permission to begin a pilot for the Navajo Code Talker program, and I would like to submit his letter dated March 8, 1942, for the Record.

 

                                   Headquarters, Amphibious Force,

 

 

                                  Pacific Fleet, Camp Elliott,

 

                                      San Diego, CA, March 6, 1942

     Subject: Enlistment of Navaho Indians.

 

     To: The Commandant,

     U.S. Marine Corps.

     Enclosures: (A) Brochure by Mr. Philip Johnston, with maps.

         (B) Messages used in demonstration.

  1. Mr. Philip Johnston of Los Angeles recently offered his services to this force to demonstrate the use of Indians for the transmission of messages by telephone and voice-radio. His offer was accepted and the demonstration was held for the Commanding General and his staff.2. The demonstration was interesting and successful. Messages were transmitted and received almost verbatim. In conducting the demonstration messages were written by a member of the staff and handed to the Indian; he would transmit the message in his tribal dialect and the Indian on the other end would write them down in English. The text of messages as written and received are enclosed. The Indians do not have many military terms in their dialect so it was necessary to give than a few minutes, before the demonstration, to improvise words for dive-bombing, anti-tank gun, etc.3. Mr. Johnston stated that the Navaho is the only tribe in the United States that has not been infested with German students during the past twenty years. These Germans, studying the various tribal dialects under the guise of art students, anthropologists, etc., have undoubtedly attained a good working knowledge of all tribal dialects except Navaho. For this reason the Navaho is the only tribe available offering complete security for the type of work under consideration. It is noted in Mr. Johnston's article(enclosed) that the Navaho is the largest tribe but the lowest in literacy. He stated, however, that 1,000--if that many were needed--could be found with the necessary qualifications. It should also be noted that the Navajo tribal dialect is completely unintelligible to all other tribes and all other people, with the possible exception ofas many as 28 Americans who have made a study of the dialect. This dialect is thus equivalent to a secret code to the enemy, and admirably suited for rapid, secure communication.4. It is therefore recommended that an effort be made to enlist 200 Navaho Indians for this force. In addition to linguistic qualifications in English and their tribal dialect they

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     should have the physical qualifications for messengers.

                                                 Clayton B. Vogel,

                                               Commanding General.

 

  Their elite unit was formed in early 1942 when the first of the 29  Navajo Code Talkers were recruited by Johnston. The code was modified  and improved throughout the war, but it is so important to note that  these 29 Navajo heroes came up with the original code themselves.  Accordingly, they are often referred to reverently as the ``original  29.'' We will have the honor of reading their names a bit later this  evening.   Many of these enlistees were just boys with little exposure to the  world outside of the Navajo reservation. After the war, it was  discovered that recruits as young as 15 and as old as 35 years of age  had enlisted. In fact, a few of these men traveled to other towns on  the reservation, outside their clan where no one knew them and their  true age, in order to enlist underage and serve their country.   After sailing through basic training, the Navajo Code Talkers were  sent to Marine divisions in the Pacific theater of World War II. Their  reputation as innovators soon spread far and wide amongst their  commanding officers. In the field, they were not allowed to write any  part of the code down as a reference. In fact, the code existed only  amongst this small group. Under high pressure battle conditions, the  Code Talkers had to quickly recall their code accurately, or risk  hundreds or thousands of lives.   Make no mistake about the gravity of this accomplishment. The Navajo  Code Talkers created the only unbroken code in modern military history.  It baffled the Japanese forces. It was even indecipherable to a Navajo  soldier taken prisoner and tortured on Bataan.   The secret code created by the Navajo Code Talkers was a simple  marvel of linguistic invention. It contained native terms that were  associated with specialized or commonly used military language, as well  as native terms that represented letters in the alphabet.   English words with no Navajo translation were spelled out using the  Navajo alphabet. The selection of a given term was based on the first  letter of the English meaning of the Navajo word. For words that did  not translate into Navajo, the Code Talkers created code that did not  directly translate, but tended to resemble the things with which they  are associated. For example, the Navajo word for ``iron fish''  represented submarine. I could give many more examples, but I think  that one is particularly poignant. To say ``America,'' the Code Talkers  used the word ``ne-he-mah,'' which means ``our mother.''   This brilliant code allowed our U.S. Marines to communicate quickly  and accurately. The Code Talkers' brave work is widely credited with  successes of battle in the Pacific and, more ultimately, with helping  to end this tragic war.  

 

                              {time}  1930

 

  In the battle for Iwo Jima, in the first 48 hours alone they coded  over 800 transmissions with perfect accuracy.   While the true heroism of these brave warriors is known today, sadly,  the Code Talkers had to return home after the war without the heroes'  welcome they deserved. Ironically, the code was such a precious asset  to the U.S. military that it was classified and had to be kept secret.  While the code was declassified in 1968, it took years to properly  decorate those veterans. In 2001, nearly 60 years after they created  their legendary code, the Navajo Code Talkers finally received their  well-deserved Congressional Medals of Honor.   Today, only one original Code Talker remains, but the tradition lives  on. A delegation of the Four Corners States will attempt to recognize  these warriors one by one and give us their thoughts during this hour.   I would like to first recognize my good friend from Arizona (Mr.  Flake).   Mr. FLAKE. I thank the gentleman for yielding and for arranging this  Special Order. This is something that we in Arizona and anywhere in the  West in Utah and elsewhere have great pride in and that this  recognition, as the gentleman mentioned, came far too late and has been  far too little, given the amount of the impact that the Navajo Code  Talkers had on World War II.   So I'm pleased to be here and to lend my voice to recognition. As the  gentleman mentioned, only one of the original Code Talkers is still  living. So I think it's important that we recognize others who carried  on this code and tradition and helped out in this way.   This was a group, as we mentioned, of many Navajos, Native Americans,  who volunteered for the armed services in World War II. This was, as  the gentleman said, very successful. It was the only code that remained  unbroken. And one of the most amazing aspects of World War II is how  these people came together, as the gentleman mentioned, young kids in  their teen years and others, and volunteered for this effort. It's even  more remarkable when we note that many States did not permit Native  Americans to vote until the 1950s. Yet the Code Talkers were  undeterred. They wanted to help their country.   It's fitting that we honor this group on the anniversary of the  attack on Pearl Harbor, the start of World War II, because they had  such an integral part of ensuring that that brutal war came to an end.  I want to thank my colleague from Arizona and others who have come here  for putting together this timely tribute to make sure that these  individuals are recognized for the impact that they had in ending this  war and to ensure that this world remains free.   Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman.   I would like at this time to acknowledge my good friend from New  Mexico (Mr. Lujan).   Mr. LUJAN. I thank my colleague from Arizona (Mr. Gosar) for bringing  us together tonight as we get a chance to visit and celebrate heroes  that are amongst us, whether it's in spirit or body, as we are still so  fortunate to have Chester Nez with us, one of the original 29 as well.   With me tonight I have a few excerpts of articles that have been  written around the country that capture some stories recently in the  Fronteras Desk. An author by the name of Laurel Morales captured the  story of Chester Nez. It starts like this: ``Growing up in New Mexico,  Chester Nez and many of his fellow Navajo were punished for speaking  their language.''   You talk about a language as they were pulled away to boarding  schools, so many of the young Navajo across the country, and the  importance of what they were able to accomplish during World War II. In  the words of Major Howard Connor of the 5th Marine Division, he  declared that were it not for the Navajos, the marines would never have  taken Iwo Jima, and the importance of language and what they were able  to accomplish.   The article goes on to read that years later, Nez was shocked to  learn that he'd been recruited by the marines specifically to devise a  code using the same language the government tried to beat out of him.  It was extremely ironic. One of the very things they were forbidden to  do--speak Navajo--ended up helping us save the war.   Mr. Nez goes on to say that he and his fellow Code Talkers first  developed an alphabet, as you described, Mr. Gosar, using everyday  Navajo words to represent letters of words, as you talked about-- submarine: iron fish; besh-lo: iron fish; and hummingbird: dah-he-tih- hi to talk about fighter planes. It's amazing how when we talked about  the Japanese and how they were so effective at cracking codes, how they  couldn't crack this one.   Mr. Nez goes on to say in the article that being one of the last  original Code Talkers, he lives in Albuquerque with his son--a father  of six children. He has nine grandchildren and eight great- grandchildren. It goes on to say that ``today, with so many people  leaving the reservation, Navajo elders like Nez fear their language is  dying. Nez hopes Navajo children learn the story of Code Talkers so  they understand just how critical it is to learn their own language.''   And thank you for bringing us together, Mr. Gosar, this evening to  help celebrate the history of our Code Talkers, as it wasn't until  Senator Bingaman moved legislation back in 2000 to be able to give  honor to our original 29--a few of them, at the very least, and their  families--with gold medals, and silver medals to the others that were  also trained to go on.   So I think this is an example of a few stories that we'll be  submitting and sharing this evening to be able to celebrate the lives  and stories and the history, especially on today as we remember Pearl  Harbor and all the sacrifice  Page H8254  and all the families we lost that day and so many brave soldiers as  well.   Thanks for bringing this tonight. I look forward to many stories and  continuing to share many of the articles that we've been able to find  capturing the history and personal stories of our friend, our heroes,  the Code Talkers from all throughout New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah.   Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman from New Mexico.   At this time I would like to recognize my good friend from Utah (Mr.  Chaffetz).   Mr. CHAFFETZ. Thank you. I appreciate the bipartisan nature in which  we do this. These are truly American heroes who have made a difference  in our lives and something we should all be proud of and never forget.  I worry as these gentlemen get older that somehow generations in the  future will maybe forget this.   I appreciate you, Mr. Gosar, for your commitment to them. I know  you're passionate about this. I can see it in your eyes when you talk  about it.   I wanted to recognize and pay special tribute to somebody who's  originally from Utah, Samuel Tom Holiday. He was a Navajo Code Talker.  He served in the United States Marine Corps 4th Marine Division, 25th  Regiment, the H&S Company. We're fortunate to still have him here with  us in our presence today.   Mr. Holiday was born in 1924 on a Navajo reservation near the  Monument Valley area of Utah, down near the Four Corners area. He was a  Navajo Code Talker in World War II. As you have talked about before,  Code Talkers transmitted tactical messages by telephone and radio in  the Dine language. It was a code the Japanese were never able to break  and was very instrumental in our war efforts.   At a young age, Samuel and his brothers hid from government agents  who came to send Navajo children to boarding schools. Holiday said he  was ultimately caught and forced to attend a boarding school where he  was not allowed to speak his native language. As he said, ``One of the  hardest times I had was learning to talk English. I would hide cookies  in my pockets to pay the older boys to teach me English. Whenever  they''--the school instructors--``found out I had talked Navajo, they  made me scrub floors, scrub walls. I spent much of my first year  scrubbing the wall.''   Mr. Holiday attended the school until he was 18 years old and he was  recruited into the Marine Corps. Mr. Holiday served in the Pacific  theatre from 1943 to 1945 in Saipan, Tinian, Kwajalein Atoll, and Iwo  Jima.   From Mr. Holiday: ``A lot of time they sent us where it was a very  dangerous spot, and I sent messages. They didn't know we were Navajo  Code Talkers using Navajo language.'' The very language he was punished  for using in his boarding school was suddenly a major asset to the  United States Marines.   Mr. Holiday remains active with the Navajo Code Talkers Association.  He's traveled throughout most of the United States conducting  presentations about the Code Talkers and about his life experiences  before and after the war. I was very pleased to see that Mr. Holiday  was awarded the Congressional Silver Medal, something he was very  worthy of, obviously.   It's interesting to me that the Navajo Code Talker Program was  actually a secret until after the war and was not declassified until  later in 1968. It was another 14 years before the Navajo Code Talkers  were recognized by the United States Government. In fact, in December  of 1982, President Ronald Reagan recognized the Code Talkers for their  dedicated service, unique achievement, patriotism, resourcefulness, and  courage.                                {time}  1940    August 14, 1982 was proclaimed National Navajo Code Talkers Day. I  think President Reagan did the right thing. I think it's something that  all Americans--I want my kids and people in Utah and across the Nation  to recognize the contributions and sacrifices that these people made.  They truly made a difference in our lives; instrumental in the war.   I appreciate this time to be able to recognize their achievements and  help to our country.   Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman from Utah.   I would like at this time to recognize my friend, the gentleman from  New Mexico (Mr. Heinrich).   Mr. HEINRICH. I want to thank the gentleman from Arizona for pulling  us together from around the four corners to honor these incredible  Native Americans, these incredible Americans, especially on this  historic anniversary. And I'm certainly honored to join my colleagues  tonight to honor the quiet valor of all the Navajo Code Talkers.   Today, some six decades since their service during World War II, only  one of the original 29 Code Talkers, Corporal Chester Nez, survives.  And I am incredibly proud of Corporal Nez, who at the age of 90 resides  in my congressional district in Albuquerque with his son Mike, his  daughter-in-law Rita, and their children.   Corporal Nez's story is much like the hundreds of Code Talkers who  followed in his footsteps. He grew up on the Navajo Nation to parents  who grew corn and pinto beans, kept goats and sheep. And he grew up in  a time when Navajos were sharply mistreated and even unable to vote in  our own elections in places throughout the Southwest. Yet in 1942, at  the age of 18, he sprung into action and he joined the 382nd Platoon in  a role that is largely credited with saving thousands of American  lives.   Along with the other 28 original Code Talkers, Corporal Nez developed  a code from their unwritten language. You can find the code's  explanation today in the index of his autobiography. And whether in  artillery, tanks, aboard ships or in infantry, the Code Talkers played  a vital role in some of the worst battles in the Pacific theater,  communicating battlefield codes that were never, ever broken by the  enemy. Their code-talking was considered so essential to the war that,  unlike their counterparts, many of them were forced to serve straight  through the war with no breaks for rest or trips back home. And today,  we widely recognize that their service helped turn the course of World  War II.   Yet because of the sheer secret of their role and the possibility  that they would be called back for the same duty in the future, the  actions of the Code Talkers weren't declassified until 23 years after  the war ended. And it wasn't until 55 years later that they were  bestowed with the Congressional Gold Medal of Honor and Silver Medal.   To the young people of the Navajo Nation for whom Corporal Nez's  quiet valor is a remarkable example, I encourage you to carry on his  legacy by keeping the Navajo language alive and well for generations to  come.   Mr. Speaker, I know that the Navajo Nation takes such pride in these  heroes. And on behalf of all of us who owe a tremendous debt of  gratitude for their service, I'm proud to recognize the courage,  service, and bravery of all the Navajo Code Talkers, and especially  Corporal Nez of Albuquerque, New Mexico.   Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman from New Mexico for that find.   I would now like to acknowledge my good friend from Arizona (Mr.  Schweikert).   Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Thank you, Congressman Gosar. For all of us, we truly  appreciate you organizing this.   When you consider today is the 70th anniversary of Pearl Harbor and  the entry into World War II, for many of us who grew up with family  that had served, there's many heartbreaking stories. But when we reach  out and read and learn more about the Code Talkers story, it's one of  the great moments of pride for those of us from Arizona.   When you consider there were--my understanding is there were about  400 native Americans who served, but the 27--was it 27 or 29?   Mr. GOSAR. Twenty-nine.   Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Twenty-nine from Arizona, I've had the pleasure over  time of meeting some of them. I also know, as Arizona now is about to  begin celebrating its 100th anniversary--and I have, actually, it's a  little bit of a silly photo, but there is actually a smaller version of  this on my wall in my office. A few months ago we had our very first  celebration of beginning the 1-year celebration of our centennial as a  State, and we were featuring our Navajo Code Talkers. It is something  that many of us from the West are very, very proud of. And it was also  that little moment where if  Page H8255  you ever want to be a little humiliated, have them try to teach you to  speak a few Navajo words, and then the giggling begins on how badly you  pronounce it.   But for anyone who is listening, the Navajo Code Talkers have  actually built a foundation, and they actually have a wonderful Web  site that has data and stories. It is navajocodetalkers.org. I  encourage anyone to reach out and grab some of that information. These  are powerful stories of incredible service to our country in a time of  great need with a very unique skill and talent.   I thank the gentleman from Arizona for organizing this.   Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman from Arizona.   I want to take a few moments and honor one of our own in Arizona who  just recently died. It is my humble privilege to honor Allen Dale June,  one of the original 29 Code Talkers. He died just recently in September  of 2010 at the age of 91. He passed away of natural causes at the  Veterans Hospital in Prescott, Arizona, which is in my district. He is  survived by his wife and 10 children and was buried in Kaibeto, in the  heart of Navajo reservation.   June, who attained the rank of sergeant, received the Congressional  Gold Medal in 2001 along with other members of the original Code  Talkers. When he died, Navajo Nation Council Speaker Lawrence Morgan  said, ``The Navajo Nation lost a great warrior. His unique service to  his country brought positive attention to the Navajo Nation. He will be  missed.''   According to his wife, Virginia, June first tried to sign up for the  Marines in his hometown of Kaibeto, but a recruiter told him he was too  young. He then traveled to the reservation town of Chinle to enlist  because he figured people there wouldn't recognize him and he could lie  about his age and forge his father's signature. This dedication and  determination to serve their country was common among the Code Talkers  and shows character and bravery that we all should emulate.   Allen June was a humble man who did not like to brag about much, even  his remarkable service as a Code Talker. However, in the last years of  his life he wore his service proudly, sporting a red Navajo Code Talker  cap with his name on it.   I would like to take an opportunity and see if my colleague from New  Mexico would entertain a colloquy back and forth giving the roll call  of the names of the 29.  

 

 

  Mr. LUJAN. It would certainly be an honor, Mr. Gosar.

  Mr. GOSAR. Thank you, sir.

  The roll call for the Navajo Code Talkers, the original 29:

  Charlie Y. Begay.

  Mr. LUJAN. Royal L. Begay.

  Mr. GOSAR. Samuel Begay.

  Mr. LUJAN. John Ashi Benally.

  Mr. GOSAR. Wilsie Bitsie.

  Mr. LUJAN. Cosey S. Brown.

  Mr. GOSAR. John Brown, Jr.

  Mr. LUJAN. John Chee.

  Mr. GOSAR. Benjamin Cleveland.

  Mr. LUJAN. Eugene R. Crawford.

  Mr. GOSAR. David Curley.

  Mr. LUJAN. Lowell S. Damon.

  Mr. GOSAR. George H. Dennison.

  Mr. LUJAN. James Dixon.

  Mr. GOSAR. Carl N. Gorman.

  Mr. LUJAN. Oscar B. Ilthma.

  Mr. GOSAR. Allen Dale June.

  Mr. LUJAN. Alfred Leonard.

  Mr. GOSAR. Johnny R. Manuelito.

  Mr. LUJAN. William McCabe.

  Mr. GOSAR. Chester Nez.

  Mr. LUJAN. Jack Nez.

  Mr. GOSAR. Lloyd Oliver.

  Mr. LUJAN. Joe Palmer.

  Mr. GOSAR. Frank Danny Pete.

  Mr. LUJAN. Nelson S. Thompson.

  Mr. GOSAR. Harry Tsosie.

  Mr. LUJAN. John Willie.

  Mr. GOSAR. William Dean Wilson.

 

  Does my friend have any further comments?   Mr. LUJAN. Only to say again, Mr. Gosar, as we celebrate tonight, to  never forget about the contributions of the Navajo people to our great  Nation, with the work that they've done not only through the Cold War,  but going back to all the work that was done.        {time}  1950    As we pointed out earlier, in the words of Major Howard Connor, if it  were not for the Navajos, the marines never would have taken Iwo Jima.  It's a great night to be here to celebrate, and I thank you for  bringing us together.   I would like to submit into the Record an article from the Santa Fe  New Mexican, dated August 29, 2010, also capturing the story telling  and talking about Mr. Chester Nez, as well as the article, ``The Last  of the Navajo Code Talkers,'' by Laurel Morales, which was listed in  the Fronteras Desk.  [From the SantaFeNewMexican.com, Aug. 29, 2010]    An Original Code Talker Keeps Tale Alive--Few Remaining Members of        Elite Navajo Marine Unit    (By Felicia Fonseca)   Albuquerque.--Tourists hurry inside a shop here to buy books about the famed Navajo Code Talkers, warriors who used their native language as their primary weapon.  Outside, on a walk sheltered from the sun, nine of the Code Talkers sit at a table autographing the books. Each is an old man now. They wear similar caps and shirts, the scarlet and gold of the Marine Corps, and turquoise jewelry.  One of these men, who signs his name as Cpl. Chester Nez, is distinguished from the others. Below his signature, he jots down why: 1st Original 29.  Before hundreds of Code Talkers were recruited from the Navajo Nation to join the elite unit, 29 Navajos were recruited to develop the code--based on the then-unwritten Navajo language--that would confound Japanese military cryptologists and help win World War II.  Of the Original 29, only three survive. Nez is one.  The Code Talkers took part in every assault the Marines conducted in the Pacific, sending thousands of messages without error on Japanese troop movements, battlefield tactics and other communications critical to the war's ultimate outcome.  ``It's one of the greatest parts of history that we used our own native language during World War II,'' Nez said in an interview with The Associated Press. ``We're very proud of it.''  Nez tells the story succinctly. He is the last of the original group able to do so. One can hardly speak or hear, and the memory of the third is severely tested by Alzheimer's disease.  The 89-year-old Nez is limited, too. He is in a wheelchair after diabetes led to the amputation of both legs. These days, he'd rather ``just sit around, take it easy,'' he said.  As a boy, Nez lived in a traditional Navajo home and helped his family tend to sheep in Two Wells on the eastern side of the vast 27,000-square-mile reservation.  He played with toy cars, went barefoot, and spoke only his native language. That changed when he was sent to one of the boarding schools set up by the federal government to assimilate American Indian children into the broader culture.  At boarding school, Nez said he had his mouth washed out with soap for speaking Navajo--ironic indeed, considering the vital role that the unique language--and Nez--would come to play.  Nez was in 10th grade when a Marine recruiter came looking for young Navajos who were fluent in Navajo and English to serve in World War II. He jumped at the chance to defend his country, and to leave boarding school. He kept the decision to enlist a secret from his family and lied about his age, as did many others.  ``I told my roommate, `Let's try it out,' and that's what we did,'' Nez said. ``One reason we joined is the uniform--      they were so pretty, dress uniforms.''  About 250 Navajos showed up at Fort Defiance, Ariz., then a U.S. Army base. But only 29 were selected to join the first all-Native American unit of Marines. They were inducted in May 1942.  After basic training, the 382nd Platoon was tasked with developing the code.  There Nez met Allen Dale June and Lloyd Oliver, among the others. Using Navajo words for red soil, war chief, clan, braided hair, beads, ant and hummingbird, for example, they came up with a glossary of more than 200 terms, later expanded, and an alphabet.  At first, Nez said, the concern was whether or not the code could work. Then it proved impenetrable. ``The Japanese did everything in their power to break the code but they never did,'' he said.  Nez no longer remembers the code in its entirety, but easily switches from English to Navajo to repeat one instruction he delivered during fighting on Guadalcanal.  ``I always remember this one,'' Nez said. ``Enemy machine gun on your right flank, destroy!''  The Navajos trained in radio communications were walking copies of the code. Each message read aloud by a Code Talker was immediately destroyed.  ``When you're involved in the world of cryptology, you not only have to provide information, you have to protect that,'' said Patrick Weadon, curator of the National Cryptologic Museum. ``And there's no better example than the Navajo Code Talkers during World War II.''  The Code Talkers were constantly on the move, often from foxhole to foxhole. Nez had a close call in Guam with a sniper's bullet that whizzed past his head and struck a palm tree.  Once while running a message, Nez and his partner were mistaken for Japanese soldiers  Page H8256 and were threatened at gunpoint until a Marine lieutenant cleared up the confusion, his son, Michael, said.  ``Of course Dad couldn't tell them he was a Code Talker,'' Nez's son said.  The Code Talkers had orders not to discuss their roles--not during the war and not until their mission was declassified 23 years later.  In 2001 Nez, Dale and June traveled aboard the same plane to Washington, D.C., to receive the Congressional Gold Medal. The recognition, which they didn't receive when they returned home from war, propelled them to a sort of celebrity status, along with the release of a movie based on the Code Talkers the following year  They appeared on television, rode on floats in parades and were asked to speak to veterans groups and students.  Nez threw the opening pitch at a 2004 Major League Baseball game and blessed the presidential campaign of John Kerry. Oliver traveled with other Code Talkers as guests of honor in the nation's largest Veterans Day parade in New York last year.  When residents of Longmont, Colo., heard that June and his wife did not have a permanent home, they raised money to buy one for the couple.  The last three survivors of the Original 29 don't live on the Navajo Nation, where they are celebrated with a tribal holiday. They wonder about each other, but it's unlikely they'll reunite again.  After World War II, Nez volunteered to serve two more years during the Korean War and retired in 1974 after a 25-year career as a painter at the veterans hospital in Albuquerque.  June, 88, has spent the past few weeks in and out of hospitals in Wyoming and Arizona, and requires round-the-      clock care. His third wife, Virginia, calls herself ``the charm'' and the protector of an endangered species.  She's a walking promotion for him and the Marine Corps, yet she's careful of how much she says because he thinks it is unwelcome bragging.  Oliver's wife, Lucille, echoes similar sentiments about her husband. Oliver displayed few reminders in what, until earlier this year, was his home on the Yavapai Indian reservation in Camp Verde, Ariz.--a few framed pictures, a Marine cap above his bedroom window and a U.S. flag above the doorway.  ``He just put the past behind him, I guess,'' she says.  Oliver, 87, speaks audibly but his words are difficult to understand. His hearing is impaired and he prefers not to have a hearing aid.  Both June and Oliver had brothers who later served as Code Talkers.  Nez tells the tourists seeking autographs in Albuquerque that he's part of the Original 29, but few appear to grasp what that means.  ``Most of them,'' he says of the tourists, ``they just thank me for what we did.''  

                                  ____

 

 

                [From the Fronteras Desk, Nov. 11, 2011]

 

                  The Last of The Navajo Code Talkers

 

                          (By Laurel Morales)

 

    Flagstaff.--Only one veteran Navajo code talker remains of  the original 29 Navajo Marines who used their native language  to devise an unbreakable code during World War II.   Growing up in New Mexico, Chester Nez and many of his  fellow Navajo were punished for speaking their language. In  the 1920s, Nez attended one of many government run boarding  schools that attempted to erase Indian culture and language.   ``I often think about the things I went through, all the  hardships,'' Nez said. He was being interviewed at the  studios of KUNM in Albuquerque for Veterans Day.   Years later, Nez was shocked to learn he'd been recruited  by the Marines, specifically to devise a code using the same  language the government tried to beat out of him. Judith  Avila helped Nez write his memoir Code Talker, which was just  published.   ``It was extremely ironic one of the very things they were  forbidden to do--speak Navajo--ended up helping save us  during the war,'' Avila said.   During World War II, the Japanese had cracked code after  code the U.S. military used to hide their communications.  Then, a Marine by the name of Philip Johnston, who had been  raised on the Navajo Nation by white missionaries, suggested  enlisting the help of the Navajo tribe. They became known as  the code talkers.   Navajo, or Dine as it's called, is a spoken language. And  few non-Navajos understand its complexities. Nez and his  fellow code talkers first developed an alphabet using every  day Navajo words to represent letters, like the Navajo word  for ant became ``A.''   Chester Nez, seen here during World War II, is 90 and the  last of the original 29 Navajo Code Talkers.   Then they came up with words for military terms. In Navajo,  there is no word for bomb. So they called it an egg. A  fighter plane was the Navajo word for hummingbird.   ``And the Japanese tried everything in their power to try  to decipher our code, but they never succeeded,'' Nez said.   He and his fellow code talkers were faced with many  cultural challenges during the war. The most difficult was  dealing with so much death.   The Navajo believe when you encounter a dead body that  person's spirit stays with you. Coming home after the war,  Nez remembered being haunted by these spirits.   ``They were all around me. I actually see them alongside my  bed,'' Nez said. ``This was one of the bad omen.''   His family performed a ceremony called the ``enemy way'' to  cleanse him After that, Nez said, he felt free of the ghosts.   The code talker program was secret. When Nez and the others  arrived home in 1945, there was no fanfare. The code remained  active for years after the war; it wasn't declassified until  1968. Still, it took decades before the men were officially  recognized.   In 2000, New Mexico Senator Jeff Bingaman introduced  legislation to honor the code talkers. The following year-- nearly six decades after the code was written--president  George W. bush awarded them Congressional Gold Medals.   ``Today we give these exceptional Marines the recognition  they earned so long ago,'' President Bush told a televised  crowd at the Capital Rotunda.   Only five of the original 29 were still alive.   Chester Nez stood tall, puffed out his chest and saluted  the president, while the crowd--many relatives of code talker  families--gave the group a standing ovation.   ``This gold medal is something I will treasure for as long  as I live,'' said Nez, now 90-years-old.   The last original code talker lives in Albuquerque with his  son. The father of six children, he has nine grandchildren  and eight great grandchildren.   Today with so many people leaving the reservation, Navajo  elders like Nez fear their language is dying. Nez hopes  Navajo children learn the story of the code talkers, so they  understand just how critical it is to learn and use their own  language.    Mr. GOSAR. I thank the gentleman from New Mexico for his  contribution.   I would also like to start by going through the further list of the  Navajo Code Talkers in the honor roll:  

 

 

                        Navajo Code Talker list

 

             Confirmed by Marine Corps, as of 17 July 2001

 

  1. Akee, Dan 818638
  2. Anthony, Franklin 990074
  3. Apache, Jimmie 936773
  4. Arviso, Bennie 894438
  5. Ashike, Earl 990140
  6. Ashley, Regis 894674
  7. Attikai, Harold 990084
  8. Augustine, John 894402
  9. Ayze, Lewis 990075
  10. Bahe, Henry 479876
  11. Bahe, Woody 875423
  12. Baldwin, Benjamin 818564
  13. Beard, Harold 894537
  14. Becenti, Roy L. 831055
  15. Bedoni, Sidney 479771
  16. Begay, Carlos 818566
  17. Begay, Charlie Sosie 830976
  18. Begay, Flemming 830977
  19. Begay, George 990132
  20. Begay, Henry 990142
  21. Begay, Jerry C. 830979
  22. Begay, Joe 990094
  23. Begay, Lee 990116
  24. Begay, Leo 990126
  25. Begay, Leonard 990210
  26. Begay, Notah 875405
  27. Begay, Paul 479917
  28. Begay, Samuel H. 358525
  29. Begay, Thomas H. 537144
  30. Begay, Walter 990073
  31. Begay, Willie K.1000016
  32. Begay, Wilson J. 894417
  33. Begody, David M. 990209
  34. Begody, Roger 875422
  35. Belinda, Wilmer 875407
  36. Belone, Harry 936837
  37. Benallie, Jimmie D. 964665
  38. Benally, Harrison Lee 1000075
  39. Benally, Harry 894507
  40. Benally, Jimmie L. 831045
  41. Benally, Johnson D. 875371
  42. Benally, Samuel 1000078
  43. Benton, Sr., Willie 830980
  44. Bernard, John 875276
  45. Betone, Lloyd 830963
  46. Bia, Andrew 990072
  47. Billey, Wilfred 830982
  48. Billie, Ben 1000045
  49. Billiman, Howard 521004
  50. Billison, Samuel (Dr.) 831074
  51. Billy, Sam Jones 830981
  52. Bitsie, Peter J. 1000037
  53. Bitsoie, Delford 990061
  54. Bizardie, Jesse 875495
  55. Black, Jesse 990205
  56. Blatchford, Paul 818633
  57. Bluehorse, David M. 831043
  58. Bowman, John Henry 403099
  59. Bowman, Robert 936938
  60. Brown, Arthur 990125
  61. Brown, Clarence Paul 990088
  62. Brown, Tsosie Herman 990202
  63. Brown, William Tully 990109
  64. Buck, Wilford 1000019
  65. Burke, Bobby 894411
  66. Burnie, Jose 1000100
  67. Burnside, Francis 548184
  68. Burr, Sandy 830984
  69. Cadman, William 936839
  70. Calleditto, Andrew 448919
  71. Carroll, Oscar Tsosie 894622
  72. Cattle Chaser, Dennis 479729
  73. Cayedito, Del 830985
  74. Cayedito, Ralph 830986
  75. Charley, Carson Bahe 894600
  76. Charlie, Sam 990199
  77. Chase, Frederick 479873
  78. Chavez, George 831098
  79. Chee, Guy 990200
  80. Clah, Stewart 965051
  81. Claw, Thomas 818547
  82. Cleveland, Billie 521016
  83. Cleveland, Ned 894519
  84. Cody, Leslie 479834

 

Page H8257

 

  1. Cohoe, James Charles 416497
  2. Craig, Bob Etcitty 830988
  3. Crawford, Karl Kee 478278
  4. Cronemeyer, Walter 990201
  5. Crosby, Billy 990035
  6. Csinnjinni, Carl 416351
  7. Dale, Ray 448911
  8. Damon, Anson C. 990227
  9. Davis, Tully 875378
  10. Deel, Martin Dale 818563
  11. Dehiya, Dan 830989
  12. Dennison, Leo 990107
  13. Dodge, Jerome Cody 894478
  14. Doolie, John 830990
  15. Doolie, Richardson 479723
  16. Draper, Nelson 990098
  17. Draper, Teddy Sr. 875345
  18. Etsicitty, Kee 830991
  19. Etsitty, Deswood 875304
  20. Evans, Harold 990097
  21. Foghorn, Ray 830992
  22. Francisco, Jimmy 818625
  23. Gatewood, Joseph P. 479889
  24. George, William 894441
  25. Gishal, Milton M. 875283
  26. Gleason, Jimmie 894446
  27. Goodluck, John 830933
  28. Gorman, Tom 818627
  29. Grayson, Bill L. 990052
  30. Greymountain, Yazzie 894538
  31. Guerito, Billy Lewis 830994
  32. Gustine, Tully 830995
  33. Guy, Charles 875406
  34. Harding, Ben Williams 990091
  35. Harding, Jack W. 479888
  36. Hardy, Tom 894628
  37. Harrison, Emmett 894479
  38. Haskie, Ross 358587
  39. Hawthorne, Roy Orville 990027
  40. Haycock, Bud 990196
  41. Hemstreet, Leslie 936840
  42. Henry, Albert 830996
  43. Henry, Edmund Juan 830997
  44. Henry, Kent Carl 936779
  45. Hickman, Dean Junian 990103
  46. Holiday, Calvin 990198
  47. Holiday, Samuel Tom 818614
  48. Housewood, Johnson 448907
  49. Housteen, Dennie 479730
  50. Howard, Ambrose 818574
  51. Hubbard, Arthur Jose 1000128
  52. Hudson, Lewey 894521
  53. Hunter, Tom 875445
  54. James, Benjamin 830998
  55. James, Billie 875301
  56. James, George B. 875342
  57. Johle, Elliott 894447
  58. John, Charlie T. 875395
  59. John, Leroy M. Sr. 448918
  60. Johns, Edmund 448908
  61. Johnny, Earl 830999
  62. Johnson, Deswood R. 844625
  63. Johnson, Francis T. 479772
  64. Johnson, Johnnie 537164
  65. Johnson, Peter 894412
  66. Johnson, Ralph 990086
  67. Jones, Jack 818548
  68. Jones, Tom H. Jr. 831001
  69. Jordan, David 831000
  70. June, Floyd 479768
  71. Keams, Percy 990028
  72. Keedah, Wilson 894673
  73. Kellwood, Joe H. 479704
  74. Kescoli, Alonzo 875397
  75. Ketchum, Bahe 875416
  76. King, Jimmie 448910
  77. Kinlacheeny, Paul 894414
  78. Kinsel, John 448912
  79. Kirk, George H. 831003
  80. Kirk, Leo 585379
  81. Kiyaani, Mike 894629
  82. Kontz, Rex T. 448921
  83. Lapahie, Harrison 831046
  84. Largo, James 990095
  85. Little, Keith M. 818629
  86. Lopez, Tommy K. 831059
  87. MacDonald, Peter 1000079
  88. Malone, Max 894621
  89. Malone, Rex 831101
  90. Malone, Robert 831075
  91. Maloney, James 990085
  92. Maloney, Paul E. 875431
  93. Manuelito, Ben C. 479800
  94. Manuelito, Ira 831005
  95. Manuelito, James C. 831060
  96. Manuelito, Peter 1000234
  97. Marianito, Frank 936841
  98. Mark, Robert 990093
  99. Martin, Matthew 894406
  100. Martinez, Jose 894550
  101. McCraith, Archibald 990110
  102. Mike, King Paul 894671
  103. Miles, General 990096
  104. Moffitt, Tom Clah 894473
  105. Morgan, Jack C. 830932
  106. Morgan, Ralph 448920
  107. Morris, Joe 894601
  108. Moss, George 990093
  109. Multine, Oscar P. 875314
  110. Murphy, Calvin H. 875360
  111. Nagurski, Adolph N. 875384
  112. Nahkai, James T. Jr. 831006
  113. Nakaidinae, Peter Sr. 479861
  114. Napa, Martin Felix
  115. Negale, Harding 936842
  116. Newman, Alfred 831007
  117. Nez, Arthur 1000176
  118. Nez, Freeland 875252
  119. Nez, Israel Hosteen 479769
  120. Nez, Sidney 894511
  121. Notah, Roy 448914
  122. Notah, Willie Anthony 875300
  123. O'Dell, Billy 479877
  124. Oliver, Willard V. 831008
  125. Paddock, Layton 479871
  126. Pahe, Robert D. 831114
  127. Parrish, Paul A. 416414
  128. Patrick, Amos Roy 936843
  129. Patterson, David Earl 831043
  130. Peaches, Alfred James 875372
  131. Peshlakai, Sam 894440
  132. Peterson, Joe Sr. 1000089
  133. Pinto, Gaul (Guy) 831047
  134. Pinto, John Senator 990189
  135. Platero, Richard 894460
  136. Preston, Jimmie 479801
  137. Reed, Sam 875369
  138. Roanhorse, Harry C. 831011
  139. Sage, Andy 831012
  140. Sage, Denny 818604
  141. Salabiye, Jerry E. 1000024
  142. Sandoval, Peter P. 831088
  143. Sandoval, Samuel F. 831013
  144. Sandoval, Thomas 831014
  145. Scott, John 875415
  146. Sells, John C. 936956
  147. Shields, Freddie 894442
  148. Shorty, Dooley 1000177
  149. Shorty, Robert T. 831049
  150. Silversmith, Joe A. 831015
  151. Silversmith, Sammy 831050
  152. Singer, Oscar Jones 990122
  153. Singer, Richard 479774
  154. Skeet, Wilson Chee 1000081
  155. Slinkey, Richard T. 479727
  156. Slivers, Albert J. Sr. 990068
  157. Smiley, Arcenio 894508
  158. Smith, Albert 831062
  159. Smith, George 831063
  160. Smith, Raymond R. 857535
  161. Smith, Samuel Jesse 831073
  162. Soce, George B. 831016
  163. Sorrell, Benjamin G. 448905
  164. Spencer, Harry 990197
  165. Tabaha, Johnnie 990076
  166. Tah, Alfred 479831
  167. Tah, Edward 894676
  168. Talley, John N. 831017
  169. Tallsalt, Bert 990082
  170. Thomas, Edward 990129
  171. Thomas, Richard 894520
  172. Thompson, Clare M. 875458
  173. Thompson, Everett M. 818518
  174. Thompson, Francis T. 537182
  175. Thompson, Frank T. 403057
  176. Todacheene, Carl Leon 831018
  177. Todacheene, Frank Carl 990105
  178. Tohe, Benson 537165
  179. Toledo, Curtis 831051
  180. Toledo, Frank 479759
  181. Toledo, Preston 479757
  182. Toledo, Willie 479756
  183. Towne, Joseph H. 479721
  184. Towne, Zane 479770
  185. Tso, Chester H. 894413
  186. Tso, Howard B. 894677
  187. Tso, Paul Edward 990071
  188. Tso, Samuel 818546
  189. Tsosie, Alfred 831019
  190. Tsosie, Cecil G. 831020
  191. Tsosie, Collins D. 831021
  192. Tsosie, Kenneth 831025
  193. Tsosie, Samuel Sr. 479913
  194. Upshaw, John 990099
  195. Upshaw, William 875364
  196. Vandever, Joe 831026
  197. Wagner, Oliver 990162
  198. Wallace, Stephan P. 1000022
  199. Walley, Robert 831027
  200. Werito, John 831052
  201. Whitman, Lyman J. 894466
  202. Willetto, Frank, Jr. 831029
  203. Willetto, Frankie Chee 894509
  204. Williams, Alex 875338
  205. Williams, Kenneth 875370
  206. Willie, George B. 875408
  207. Woody, Clarence Bahi 990092
  208. Yazhe, Ernest 448949
  209. Yazhe, Harrison A. 875363
  210. Yazza, Peter 875442
  211. Yazza, Vincent 1000109
  212. Yazzie, Clifton 894593
  213. Yazzie, Daniel 831030
  214. Yazzie, Eddie Melvin 521223
  215. Yazzie, Edison Kee 875390
  216. Yazzie, Felix 416408
  217. Yazzie, Francis 1000101
  218. Yazzie, Frank H. 990101
  219. Yazzie, Harding 894480
  220. Yazzie, Harold 537154
  221. Yazzie, Joe Shorty 830962
  222. Yazzie, John 990113
  223. Yazzie, Justin D. 1000126
  224. Yazzie, Lemuel Rev. 990062
  225. Yazzie, Ned 990112
  226. Yazzie, Pahe Denet 479773
  227. Yazzie, Raphael 831053
  228. Yazzie, Robert 831031
  229. Yazzie, William 875347
  230. Yellowhair, Leon 990100
  231. Yellowhair, Stanley 818600
  232. Yellowman, Howard 831032
  233. Yoe, George 990119
  234. Zah, Henry 894551

 

 

                       LISTED, BUT NOT CONFIRMED

 

  1. Alfred, Johnnie 479728
  2. Allen, Perry 818534
  3. Becenti, Ned 448948
  4. Begay, Edward 474862
  5. Begay, Jimmie 419878
  6. Begay, Johnson 965045
  7. Brown, Ned 818534
  8. Clark, Jimmie 830987
  9. Fowler, King 990080
  10. Gray, Harvey 448909
  11. Jenson, Nevy 990178
  12. Jose, Teddy 448913
  13. Kennepah, Jessie 358451
  14. Morgan, Herbert 448922
  15. Morgan, Sam 831100
  16. Nez, Howard 403039
  17. Nez, Howard H. 831086
  18. Otero, Tom 831009
  19. Singer, Tom 448916
  20. Smith, Enoch 998953
  21. Sorrel, Jerome 448915
  22. Tsosie, David W. 831022
  23. Tsosie, Howard 964998
  24. Tsosie, Howard J. 831024
  25. Whitman, Joe Reid 831028
  26. Wilson, William 567102
  27. Yazzie, Charley H. 831054
  28. Yazzie, Sam W. 990036

 

Page H8258

 

                      PENDING/WAITING FOR RECORDS

 

  1. Anderson, Edward 956330
  2. Brown, N.A. 964770
  3. Burnside, Francis A. 548184
  4. Curley, Rueban 875229
  5. David, Alfred
  6. Dooley, Richard 807198
  7. Foster, Harold Y. 537154
  8. Freeman, Edwin
  9. Goldtooth, Emmett
  10. Goodman, Billie 875280
  11. Harthorn, Rodger 2314982
  12. Jake, H.
  13. Kien, William 831058
  14. Leroy, George
  15. Leuppe, Edward 381004
  16. Nazwood, Johnson
  17. Peterson, David 831043
  18. Price, Joe F. 894626
  19. Price, Wilson H. 358592
  20. Sandoval, Merril Leon 831048
  21. Tracey, Peter 257670
  22. Tsosie, Woody B.
  23. Visalia, Buster

 

 

                               NOT LISTED

 

  1. Babiye, Don
  2. Barber, Willie
  3. Begaye, Flemming 830977
  4. Bejay, Charlie
  5. Burbank, Askee
  6. Clauschee, Guy 990200
  7. Hanigahnie Jake
  8. Kent, Carl Henry
  9. Livingston, ?
  10. Lod(v?)ato, Joe T.
  11. Martinez, Martin
  12. Peshlakai, Wallace Jr.
  13. Singer, William
  14. Yazzie ?, Leon
  15. Yazzie, Peter

 

  It is with that I submit those names on a wonderful treasure from the

Four Corners to America, and what they gave this country is so

valuable. You look back on their life and what they gave us is

immeasurable. What I would also like to do is honor them on today, the

anniversary of Pearl Harbor; and I hope that we would look fondly on

their attributes and what they gave to this great country because we

are all great because of them.

  I also want to take the liberty of acknowledging one other person.

It's her birthday today. It's my mom. She turned 78. Happy birthday,

Mom.

  I yield back the balance of my time.

 

                          ____________________

 

 

 

 

 

 

n T he last months of the war ushered in a period of rapid change in the organization of military forces on the Ryukyu Islands. The Joint Chiefs originally assigned both operational control and military government responsibility for the islands to the Navy, but the fact was neither the Army nor the Navy wanted to assume responsibility for the region ' Admiral Nimitz argued that since the Tenth Army had invaded Okinawa to stage the planned invasion of Japan, it should assume these responsibilities. Bowing to the Pacific commander's request, the Joint Chiefs, on 18 July 1945, ordered control of the islands, excluding certain naval facilities, turned over to the Army. This transfer of command, they noted , was to be a temporary expedient; once the invasion of the Japanese home islands was accomplished, command of the Ryukyus was to be returned to the Navy. Effective 31 July, Headquarters, Island Command, Okinawa, was reconstituted as Headquarters, Army Service Command I (ASCOM I), and assigned to Army Forces, Western Pacific." At that time the command's military strength totaled some 259,000 officers and men (see Table I). The Commander in Chief, U.S. Army Forces, Pacific, General MacArthur, assumed responsibility from his headquarters in Manila for military government in the Ryukyus, although he continued to direct what had been for some time a joint service operation with the preponderance of its manpower in naval uniform. In July civil affairs personnel in the islands included about 2,600 naval officers and men (including Sea bees) and 279 Army officers and men." These a rearrangements lasted only seven more weeks. The abrupt surrender of Japan found the Army ill-prepared to exercise its responsibility for military government on Okinawa. Its few hundred civil affairs officers on the island were desperately needed for occupation duty with the Tenth Army in Korea and with the Eighth Army in Japan. Consequently, the Chief of Naval Operations, Fleet Admiral Ernest J. King, advised the Commander in Chief, Pacific, Fleet Admiral Nimitz, that military government would be a permanent Navy responsibility." On 2 1 September 1945 the Navy assumed complete accountability for military government although the Army retained operational control of the islands. Fleet Admiral Nimitz designated the Commanding Officer, Naval Operating Base, Okinawa, Rear Ad m. John D. Price, as Chief Military Government officer while Col. Charles I. Murray, USMC, continued in his capacity as Deputy Commander for Military Government. " The Navy accepted responsibility for military government based on the assumption that Okinawa was desirable as a naval base and that the Navy would soon be given operational control, since the Army's tenure in the Ryukyus was merely temporary. Both assumptions proved false. The surrender of Japan not only curtailed Army Service Command I's base development plans, it also obviated most of the rationale for development of Okinawa's naval facilities. Moreover, by early 1946 the Navy had more closely examined the anchorages in Buckner Bay and found them less desirable than originally thought. " Consequently, the Navy lost interest in the Ryukyus except as a location for minor facilities. In March 1946 the Chief of Naval Operations recommended to the Joint Chiefs of Staff that the Army not only retain operational control of the Ryukyus, but also assume responsibility for military government. Later the same month the Army's Chief of Staff concurred with that recommendation, asking only that Navy civil affairs officers continue to serve until suffi