特攻隊を「散華」と記述 学徒隊は「動員」ではなく「志願」 ~ 中学教科書検定で文科省 ~ 令和書籍の2点を合格 (沖縄タイムス、2024年4月23日)

 

2024年、文部科学省が認定した、世にも怪しい令和書籍の竹田恒泰教科書。

 

沖縄戦について「沖縄を守るために、(略)二八〇〇人以上の特攻隊員が散華しました」「志願というかたちで」などの記述がある令和書籍の歴史教科書(複写)

 

特攻隊を「散華」と記述 学徒隊は「動員」ではなく「志願」 中学教科書検定文科省 令和書籍の2点を合格

2024年4月23日 

 

 文部科学省は22日までに、来春から中学校で使用される教科書の検定で合否を保留していた「令和書籍」の歴史教科書2点を追加合格にしたと発表した。同社の教科書は沖縄戦で「沖縄を守るために、(中略)二八〇〇人以上の特攻隊員が散華しました」と記載したほか、学徒隊の編成について「動員」ではなく、積極性の強い「志願」という表現を使用。識者らは史実的に誤解を与えかねない記述だと批判している。(社会部・新垣玲央、下里潤、新垣亮)

     
    「沖縄戦の本質が見えない」元学徒や識者、令和書籍教科書の表現や内容を危惧 「いや応なしに戦争に従事させられた」

 令和書籍は作家の竹田恒泰氏が代表を務め、2018年度の検定から中学の歴史教科書を申請。これまで3回不合格となっていた。

 

 沖縄戦の記述では、「爆弾を持ったまま敵艦に突入する特攻作戦」が「沖縄を守るために」行われたと説明。その上で「沖縄攻防戦では、中学生から高校生の男女二三〇〇人以上が、志願というかたちで学徒隊に編入され、一二〇〇人以上が死亡しました」とした。

 

 県史によると、1944年10月の陸軍特別志願兵令施行規則の改正などで、14歳以上17歳未満は志願や親権者らの許可などの手続きを経れば防衛召集の対象にすることが可能となったが、学徒らの場合は、その手続きがなされていない。

 

 ひめゆり平和祈念資料館(糸満市)の普天間朝佳館長は、志願的だと受け取れる証言も一部あるが実態は分かっていないと指摘。学徒隊を巡る記述で「動員」ではなく「志願」という表現を用いて「殉国美談」の文脈に続けたことに危機感を示した。「積極的、勇敢に志願し、亡くなっていったという物語にしか読めない。生き残った学徒たちは、死に向かわせた当時の教育や社会背景の恐ろしさを捉え直し、繰り返さないよう次世代に懸命に伝えてきた。その思いを踏みにじる表現だ」と述べた。

 

 「集団自決(強制集団死)」に関しては「逃げ場を失って自決した民間人もいました」とし、日本軍による関与や強制性、社会背景は読み取れない記述となっている。

特攻隊を「散華」と記述 学徒隊は「動員」ではなく「志願」 中学教科書検定で文科省 令和書籍の2点を合格 | 沖縄タイムス+プラス

 

そもそも、ホンモノの歴史学者から「ここまでの無知となるとほとんど冗談としか思えない」と書かれてしまう竹田恒泰がプロデュースした本が、文科省の認定を受けること自体が「おカルト」である。


4年前、竹田恒泰が歴史教科書を書き始めた。

被爆者へのデマ拡散、平和教育はもうやめよ、と竹田恒泰

教育勅語さえ実践すればそれでよいの竹田恒泰


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Commander Henry Stanley Bennett, The Impact of Invasion and Occupation on the Civilians of Okinawa (February 1946)

The Impact of Invasion and Occupation on the Civilians of Okinawa

By Commander Henry Stanley Bennett (M.C.), U. S. Naval Reserve
February 1946 Proceedings Vol. 72/2/516

COMMENTS
This report seeks to present certain features of the material and psychological effect on the Okinawans of our invasion and the subsequent operations and occupation, and of some of the policies and practices with which the people have come in contact during the first three months following our initial landings.

Background.—The people of Okinawa, though racially akin to the Japanese, have for centuries been peace-loving and law- abiding agrarians looking to China for cultural leadership. Their islands have been unmarred by war for over six centuries, except for the brief and not very destructive Satsuma invasion of 1609, when a Japanese protectorate was established. Conditions remained tranquil and undisturbed until well after the Japanese annexation of 1871 The people submitted with docility to Japanese conscription methods, sent their sons to war without enthusiasm, and changed their ways and outlook but slightly right up to the time of our assault on the island.

Without doubt, our military operations in the Okinawa Gunto have caused far greater disruption, destruction, and casualties than any previous violent historical episode in the archipelago, and cannot be regarded by the people as anything but a calamitous disaster.

Characteristics of the people of Okinawa and neighboring islands.—Although Okinawa had been incorporated as an integral part of Japan and the citizenry had been given at least legal or theoretical equality with Japanese in the main islands, it is now apparent that there are certain differences between the two groups.

Similarities between Okinawans and Japanese may be seen in that both groups show the same thrift and industry and docility to established authority.


Differences between Okinawans and Japanese may be presented as follows:

(1) Okinawa has no military tradition. It has been peaceful for centuries, whereas Japan has known and glorified warfare and warriors since prehistoric times.

(2) In Okinawa much remains of the former cultural orientation towards China, so that the characteristic Japanese glorification of military virtues and achievements has not been implanted deeply in the people. Those Okinawans in whom it has been instilled most deeply are soldiers, the majority of whom are not on the island, but overseas and unlikely to return in any numbers except as chastened prisoners of war.

(3) The nationalistic orientation of Shintoism and Emperor worship has been introduced into Okinawa within the memory of living souls. It has taken but shallow root, and should soon wither. Indigenous and ancient superstitious animism and spirit worship remain strong.

(4) Okinawans are faced with facts refuting much of the false Japanese propaganda and indoctrination to which they have been subjected in recent years. Destroyed have been the fostered notions that the Japanese armed forces are invincible; that it is the divine destiny of Japan to rule the world; that Japan would protect them; that Japanese soil would never be violated, and that American troops are beasts who would rape the women and kill all inhabitants.


It is apparent that the Okinawan people as a whole have not the remotest conception of the issues of this war as we see them. Along with the Formosans, the Okinawans became entangled passively as a result of the Japanese annexation of the islands in the late nineteenth century. One cannot fairly attribute to them aggressive propensities or war-guilt and there appears to be no particular justification for adopting a vengeful or punitive attitude towards the Okinawan populace as a whole.

Effect of operations on population and sex ratio.—In 1940, the population of the Okinawa Gunto was slightly over 475,000; 435,000 being on Okinawa Island. The population density on Okinawa Jima was 901 per square mile. This is nearly twice the population density of Japan proper and over twenty times that of continental United States. On Okinawa the sex ratio was 115 women to every 100 men.

During the last twenty-five years, there has been a tendency towards a decrease in population in the Okinawa Gunto. This decrease can be attributed to emigration of Okinawans to Japan proper, to the Japanese mandated islands, to the Hawaiian Islands or elsewhere. Migration to Japan has been particularly heavy in the last few years in order to provide labor for war plants. This emigration took away more men than women, contributing to the sex ratio cited above.

After the outbreak of the “Greater East Asia War,” conscription into the Japanese Army or Navy removed many of the able- bodied men from Okinawa. Prior to October 10, 1944, the greater number of men so conscripted were scattered throughout the Empire and conquered areas. Perhaps 15,000 males left the island in this way. This conscription would further reduce the civilian population of Okinawa to 420,000 and increase the aberrant sex ratio to that of 125 women to 100 men.

Subsequent to the first great air strike on Okinawa on October 10, 1944, the disruptive trends in the population were accentuated.


Many of the wealthy and prominent people and administrative officials attempted to flee to Japan. Some were sunk on the way. Perhaps 5,000 people succeeded in leaving Okinawa for the purposes of flight, most of these being Japanese, as contrasted with Okinawans.

After the first of the year of 1945, virtually every able-bodied Okinawan of military age was conscripted, the bulk of them into the Boei Tai, or Home Guard Force. Some of these have subsequently found their way into regular army units. In either case, about 30,000 additional conscripts were removed thus from the civilian population, the majority destined for slaughter or capture in the defense of the island.

The effect of the flight and the loss of those conscripted recently would be to reduce the civilian population of Okinawa to less than 400,000 and further accentuate the sex ratio to that of about 140 women to 100 men.
Thus it appears that conscription of males and loss of those conscripts in battle on Okinawa and elsewhere have reduced the population by fully 10 per cent, greatly increased the ratio of women to men, and subjected the populace to the nearly complete decimation of a generation of able-bodied males.

The extent of the total reduction of the population can only be estimated at present. The 10 per cent of the population conscripted into the army or home guard must be written off. Perhaps 5,000 fled. Civilian casualties from bombing, shellings, and other exigencies of war cannot be estimated accurately, but were undoubtedly very heavy, particularly in the group caught behind the Japanese lines during the fighting. Prolonged periods of hiding in caves on meager rations and in poor sanitary conditions favored toll from disease, particularly among small infants and the aged and infirm. It is probable that a certain number of civilians have been sealed in caves, although efforts were made to avoid thus interring civilians.

On July 12, there were about 265,000 civilians within our custody on Okinawa. Allowing for stragglers in areas not yet combed thoroughly, it seems unlikely that there were many more than 300,000 Okinawans left alive on the island, leaving between 75,000 and 100,000 civilians—perhaps one quarter of the population—unaccounted for. Unless this loss can be attributed to some large unknown emigration, one can only conclude that most of them have perished from one cause or another resulting directly or indirectly from hostilities.


Among the civilians within our lines in mid-July, children under twelve years and old folks over forty-five comprised the greater part of the total number. Adult women outnumbered adult men by well over two to one. There were very few men of family-producing age in the group.

Effect of operations on population distribution.—The surviving civilian populace has been completely dislocated. The air attack on October 10 destroyed 80 per cent of Naha and killed an unknown number of civilians. Many survivors who considered themselves in likely target areas left their homes and sought refuge in the countryside, oftentimes miles from their place of domicile. Among civilians entering our lines during the first week of April, 1945, were some who had been residents of Naha and who had been living in caves in the hills since October, 1944.

Following this great raid, civilians set assiduously about digging themselves air-raid shelters and caves. This was in addition to the extensive fortifications undertaken by the military. Many thousands of holes were thus hewn out, and in some instances tombs and natural caves were prepared and improved for utilization as shelters. Although each of these formed a potential defensive position, in actuality few of the caves in the northern three-quarters of the island were used defensively, the majority of them serving solely as civilian refuges and a smaller number for the storage of supplies or munitions.

After October, the voluntary partial evacuation of Naha and other sectors in the south was aggravated by an attempt on the part of the military to remove most of the civilians in that area. A prefectural order is said to have been put out ordering civilians living in the Shuri-Naha area and to the south to leave for the northern part of the island. The main purpose behind this may have been to remove civilians from the anticipated main defensive area, both for their own safety and to reduce the demands on food supplies available for the defending forces. Some civilians were evicted from their homes so their premises could be used by the military. In any case, the greater number of inhabitants of the area in question did go north, so that by the time of our landings and the establishment of a definitive front line across the island north of Machinato and Yonabaru airfields in mid-April, it was estimated that over three-quarters of the civilians were north of (or within) our lines, whereas beforehand over two-thirds of the populace dwelt in the area to the south.

During late 1944 and early 1945, movement of civilians was largely confined to the inhabitants of the southern areas. However, during March our air strikes on the island picked up again, and on March 20, a naval blockade was instituted and systematic reduction of defenses commenced by naval gunfire and air attack. Attention was directed towards the areas backing landing beaches or alternate beaches and at supposed or actual gun positions, pillboxes, barracks, suicide boat or midget sub bases, and the like. Many of these actual or supposed installations were in or near villages or towns, and inhabited areas north of Naha began to suffer extensive damage at this time.


Casualties were inflicted on civilians during this phase, and as the threat to an area materialized, the inhabitants felt prompted to move to the hills. Towns and villages not subjected to gunfire or air attack were, nevertheless, usually evacuated later on when advancing troops approached, oftentimes many days after our landings. As a result, virtually every inhabited locality overrun by our troops was found deserted, whether or not the houses were damaged extensively. Hence, for all practical purposes, it is safe to say that virtually every inhabitant of Okinawa was impelled by our military activities to leave his home and live elsewhere for a period varying from a few days to several months.

Displacement of civilians within our lines.— Within a day or two after our landings, civilians began to appear within our lines. Most of those taken at first were aged Okinawans who were too feeble to travel far, and who were found hiding in caves near their villages. It was quite evident that the inhabitants were fearful of us, and many continued to flee before our advance. However, within a week 10,000 civilians had entered our custody, and by the end of April the figure stood at 120,000.’

Military government temporarily set up civilian concentration areas at Sobe and at Koza, and later permanent ones at Ishikawa, Jinuza, Taira, and elsewhere, in which the great majority of civilians were placed. These sizable villages showed considerable damage, but possessed many habitable dwellings. Women, children, and old folks were placed in such villages, usually under very crowded conditions. Able-bodied men were confined to stockades for reasons of security. The people in any given concentration did not represent the inhabitants of that locality; so complete had been the dislocation and so variable the wandering of individuals during operations that each camp displayed an indiscriminate mixture of inhabitants from many parts of the island.

There was a considerable shift of population even subsequent to an initial adjustment under Military Government. Several sizable concentrations of civilians were moved completely weeks or months after being established. These movements were necessary in order to make more land available for base development, or in order to remove people from areas of danger from enemy air attack.

Noteworthy among these post-occupational population shifts instigated by our forces is the case of the inhabitants of northern and western Motobu Peninsula, where war damage to houses was comparatively slight, and where no heavy fighting took place. Most of the inhabitants left their villages to hide in the hills when troops initially went over the area in early and mid-April. Within a few days their fear was overcome and they returned to their own homes, even though in many instances troops were encamped near by. The people resumed their village life and planting and harvesting as best they could, and for two months and a half lived peaceably much as before the invasion, being the only community on the island to be so fortunate. After the cessation of organized resistance, it became necessary to put troops into the area for rehabilitation purposes, and the civilian population was accordingly evacuated. Very little preparation was made to receive these people in the area to which they were moved and about 20,000 of them were driven in trucks to an east coast area and deposited in open fields. It was several days before all of them were given even minimal shelter.


Thus it develops that virtually the entire population of Okinawa Shima has been displaced and disorganized by our invasion. Survivors are destined to be cared for in relatively small areas of concentration without regard to their original place of domicile. On some of the outlying islands of the Okinawa Gunto the displacement is less drastic.

Separation of families.—A very pitiful concomitant of the Okinawa operation, as of all wars, has been the separation of numerous families during the disorganization and hasty flight of the people. In a few instances families were unintentionally separated by our own agencies, who in the early confused days on occasion brought Okinawan women in to supposed safety from the hills, only to learn that the children had been left behind because no one in the patrol could understand the women’s protestations when they were led away without an opportunity to go into the caves to get their infants. Many families have been reunited after temporary separation and steps are under way to do the same for other split households, but it seems improbable that complete success is likely to be achieved.

The effect of operations on property.— Buildings on Okinawa did not fare well during this campaign. The air strike of October 10,1944, leveled 80 per cent of Naha and did extensive damage elsewhere. Subsequent air strikes, naval gunfire, and artillery missions have wrought great destruction. The 20 per cent of Naha which survived October 10 is now gone. Shuri, a town of 18,000, is entirely destroyed. All towns and sizable villages have sustained extensive damage. A few remote small villages and many isolated farmhouses survived the fighting almost intact. In most towns and villages a few houses still stand with little or no damage.

Particular attention was paid to schools and other large buildings by our air strikes and naval gunfire missions. It may be they were regarded as “possible barracks.” The Ai Raku En Leper Colony on Yagaji Shima was destroyed in a series of attacks, and we were faced with the necessity of providing sufficient material to restore partially the institution in order that lepers might have minimum humanitarian care. Many schools were similarly singled out for destruction in areas which were occupied days later without any resistance. Very extensive damage was done in Nago by artillery after the town had been completely evacuated, and after it had been entered and reconnoitered by our own Military Government officials, who found it clear of enemy, but who were forced to retire because of our own artillery fire. Such unnecessary destruction deprived our forces of many usable buildings and accentuated greatly the very grave overcrowding and shortage of shelter with which the civilians within our care were confronted.

However, perhaps the greater part of the destruction of buildings was a necessary or unavoidable concomitant of war. This was particularly true in Sobe, Kadena, and elsewhere in the vicinity of our landing beaches, and in Shuri, Naha, and other towns which was utilized defensively by the enemy.


An estimated 60 or 70 per cent of the buildings on Okinawa appear to have been destroyed or severely damaged as a direct result of operations. Those remaining intact or slightly damaged after the fighting have not been left undisturbed. A great number have been or are destined to be dozed under to make room for roads, airfields, or other installations. Thus the village of Kadena is now buried in the traffic circle at an important intersection. Rubble from the houses contributed to the fill used in the roads. Roads leading through inhabited localities have usually been widened or straightened without regard to the necessity for cutting through existing ruins or through damaged or intact buildings, even though the process might wipe out an entire village, as was the case at Hiza.

Numerous damaged and intact buildings have been torn down by natives under our supervision for purposes of salvaging building materials. The lumber and tile so salvaged have been transported to concentration areas for construction of shelters for the overcrowded natives.

There was considerable destruction of buildings by burning in areas well behind the fighting front. Many of these fires were accidental or resulted from carelessness. Some were burned deliberately by individuals who sought to remove an alleged health hazard or to clear an area desired for other purposes. This practice was forbidden because of the necessity for salvaging all possible building materials. A number of houses were burned by Japanese guerrillas operating in the north. In the aggregate, these losses have been considerable.

At present, most of the civilians are concentrated in areas which formerly housed only a very small fraction of the people. A redistribution of the population will be necessary. At the time of the cessation of hostilities with Japan, virtually every Okinawan had to be rehoused. For a long time, they must live in temporary houses, most of them yet to be built.

The destruction of houses on Okinawa during the war was virtually complete. A few shrines and historic monuments of antiquity survive, most notably the ancient Nakagusuku Castle, dating from the fourteenth century.


Personal properly and household effects.— Here again, the degree of destruction has been overwhelming, but is not total. A great part was burned in houses ignited during operations or subsequently.

When people left their homes and fled to caves in the hills, they took with them what they could carry in the way of food or clothing. As people found themselves confronted with the apparent necessity for living for prolonged periods in the hills they tended to make excursions back to the villages to replenish their supplies or to add to their stores of clothes. Many took lacquerware, china, or other valuables with them into the caves, deeming their treasures safer there. The natives do not appear to have been entirely scrupulous in removing items from villages for use in the hills, and it is evident that there was a considerable amount of looting of houses by natives themselves. It is quite understandable why a man from Naha, cut off from his home by war, or one whose house had been burned, might not be hesitant to enter any deserted house in search of food or clothing for his family in a distant cave.

Of the material taken into the caves, the greater part of it was lost or damaged beyond usefulness. Much of it was abandoned as the people fled from cave to cave or finally came into our lines. As our troops advanced, they overran many hundreds of caves containing a great litter of clothing, bed covers, pots of beans, rice, utensils, household valuables, and the like.

Our troops contributed somewhat to the loss of such items as they passed through villages and caves. Souvenir hunters took some lacquer and chinaware, but comparatively little in the way of usable clothing or gear. However, many hundreds of the straw tatami mats used on the floors were burned or destroyed by troops, who had no appreciation of their value to the natives, and who did not realize that the natives slept on them. This was a serious loss to the people.

Systematic efforts to salvage remaining gear were instituted by Military Government after natives had entered our custody and concentration areas had been organized. Parties of women and older children went out under MP protection and searched deserted and damaged houses, bringing in food, clothing, coverings, and other useful items, without regard to original ownership. Even with complete salvage of all the remaining gear on the island there will be insufficient clothing and covering for the people, and great hardship may ensue if the situation is not improved before winter. Stocks of yard goods were depleted before we landed, and there are few looms or spinning machines left with which to commence making textiles anew. Clothing being worn currently cannot be expected to last very long, and it is evident that the entire surviving population faces the necessity for a complete restocking of clothing, covering, tatami, and other household gear before it can settle down to any semblance of a normal life.


Official records, deeds, etc.—The great raid of October 10, 1944, destroyed the Okinawa Prefectural Office in Naha, as well as the Police Station, City Hall, Tax Office, Post Office, and other important public buildings. It is unlikely that the records in these buildings previously had been removed and in all likelihood they were totally destroyed. Thus the largest repositories of official records on Okinawa are denied us.

Furthermore, there is much evidence that the Japanese attempted to destroy systematically all official records in other towns as we threatened to overrun them. Responsible officers entered Nago, Onna, and certain other towns and villages either before or with the assault troops. They had an opportunity to examine the Town Halls, Post Offices, and other public buildings before they had been in any way disturbed by our forces. The great bulk of records was found to be destroyed or so disrupted as to be nearly valueless.

In Itoman some civil and police records were found in good condition.

In Nago certain newspaper archives and stores of official records were recovered initially in fair condition, but were later broken into by our troops and badly souvenired.

No town or village so far has yielded a completely intact file of official records. It is apparent that the Japanese succeeded largely in denying us access to these papers, though in some small part they may have been aided in this respect by our own troops.


Rather pathetic efforts by small householders to save their own deeds, property certificates, tax receipts, bank books, postal savings accounts, and the like, were evident. Neat bundles or boxes of such documents have been uncovered in corners of caves or domestic air-raid shelters, or in buried jars or other places of fancied safety. Later, more acute emergencies caused these documents to be abandoned entirely in most instances, and in any case the destruction of banks and the impact of our invasion have been such as to render such papers nearly worthless.

Thus we are faced with a virtual complete loss of all documents on which we might base any continuity of administration or economy. No adequate records are available on which we might be able to make an equitable settlement of property disputes after the war. Political records, conscription records, and the like are missing. An entirely fresh start will have to be made.

Land.—Prior to our landings Okinawa had a primarily agrarian economy, but agriculture, even supplemented by fishing, did not provide the food required by the population and much rice, wheat, beans, and other staples were imported.

Fishing came to a standstill because of destruction of boats and prohibitions by military command. Wheat, beans, sweet potatoes and other crops were ripening in the fields when we invaded the island. Civilians within our custody were taken out in parties to harvest these crops for utilization. However, there was little new planting or cultivation of fields except in limited areas near concentrations. Even these crops are unlikely to be harvested completely, and agriculture on Okinawa seems destined to come to a virtual standstill with little prospect of appreciable renaissance for at least a year or more.

When opportunity affords a resumption of agricultural pursuits by the Okinawans, the acreage available for that purpose will be reduced greatly. The voracious demands of airfields, roads, port facilities, and other installations are such as to take up a large fraction of the flat terrain which comprises the main agricultural resources of the island. Many fields have been torn up badly by trucks, tractors, and the like, and a certain amount of soil has been scraped off to provide fill. The elaborate system of drainage and small dams which served formerly to control run-off and erosion has been damaged or destroyed in many localities and neglected in others and many fields not utilized directly in base development will suffer extensive loss of topsoil and erosion.


Much of this damage is likely to be irreparable. Topsoil washed to sea cannot be replaced. Even if some of the airfields or roads be abandoned after they have served their purpose, there will be little prospect of restoring fertility to the hard coral-filled strips for many years. One must face the fact that our operations and base developments have reduced seriously and permanently the future capacity of Okinawa to support human life by agriculture.

Effect on the health of natives.—So far, there is no indication that factors accompanying our invasion have caused any serious deterioration in the health of the natives in our custody except for the actual casualties inflicted in battle. This is remarkable indeed, considering the conditions the natives were living in during such time as they were abiding in caves. It may betoken a high degree of natural resistance to the diseases endemic in the area. However, scabies, various skin infections, lice, fleas, and the like have flourished during cave life and the subsequent overcrowding. Crowded conditions in concentration areas lend themselves to the spread of disease, and one can look for the possibility of an increased incidence of tuberculosis and of certain other maladies in the future.

The psychological effect of invasion and occupation on the Okinawans.—Oriental and occidental visitors to Okinawa in days prior to the Japanese annexation reported uniformly that the people of the island were hospitable and polite. Commodore Perry was received kindly in Okinawa, in contrast to his experiences in Japan proper. There appears to be no tradition of hostility to foreigners such as has characterized long periods of Japanese history.

The Japanese have endeavored to impose their patterns of thought on the Okinawans. It is now evident that in this enterprise they have not had any great degree of success.

In spile of the fact that our invasions and air attacks have wrought such havoc and dislocation on the island, the Okinawans in our custody do not appear to hate us particularly. Indeed if it were not for the presence on the island of scattered Japanese military personnel and certain residual Japanese officials attempting to stir up the Okinawans, it is doubtful if they would cause us any appreciable trouble.


The Okinawans were informed by the Japanese that if Americans landed the people would be slaughtered with great cruelty, one and all. Apparently, the enemy did not anticipate the extent of the physical changes we would wreak on the island or understand what its impact on the civilians would be, or if they did appreciate this factor, little effort was made to exploit it for propaganda purposes. The Okinawans were told of our expected carnal cruelty through newspapers, over the radio, and by word of mouth.

There was nothing in our pre-invasion bombardments to cause the Okinawans to disbelieve the propaganda supplied them, and as our troops landed and advanced the populace fled almost without exception, fearing for their lives even though much of the island was overrun without fighting.

That deep fear of torture or death was uppermost in the minds of most of them was apparent to any who watched civilians enter our custody, particularly in the first few days and weeks. Aged Okinawan obasans (grandmothers) discovered in caves were often hiding in deep recesses covered head and foot with quilts, and when uncovered by marines would kneel and bow their foreheads to the deck time after time with hands prayerfully pressed palms together before them, beseeching their discoverers most piteously to spare their ancient lives. Their relief on being reassured and kindly treated was so marked and apparent as to leave no doubt of the validity of their expressed emotions. In like manner, mothers or old folks entering our lines in desperation because of the intolerable conditions of cave life often displayed on first contacting troops such apprehension and fear as to cause them to tremble; yet after a day or two in the security of the concentration area their attitude would change visibly and they would relax and smile and co-operate happily in the camp routine.

The average American soldier or marine on Okinawa proved to be kindhearted and friendly towards the natives, especially towards the children, and the cheery greetings and largess of GI rations, candy, or even cigarettes poured out on civilian wayfarers along the roadside from jeeps and trucks did much to overcome their initial fear of us, and to convert this fear into reciprocal friendliness.

Thus, on initial contact with our troops, most Okinawans found their fears of bodily harm unfounded, and the resulting relief seemed to mitigate in large measure their dismay at contemplating the loss of their homes.


Once taken into civilian concentration areas Okinawans have found that their principal contacts with Americans have been with Military Government personnel. Many of these Military Government people in daily contact with the natives have worked with great devotion for the welfare of the community in their care. The people have responded to this and have repaid kindness with gratitude. Without doubt, the hospitals and dispensaries set up for the people have been the greatest single factor in getting their good will.

It has struck many observers as remarkable that the Okinawans appear to accept philosophically discomforts, inconveniences, and hardships resulting from administrative foul-up or necessities of war, whereas similar experiences would set an occidental population into seething resentment and unrest. For example, the forced movement of 20,000 civilians from their villages on Motobu Peninsula into areas where not even minimal shelter was available did not provoke any incidents or trouble.

This point might be further amplified by recounting in some detail the experiences of civilians caught in the south behind the Japanese lines. These people suffered more severely than the general run of the population. Perhaps 50,000 or more were thus entrapped, either by choice or by chance. The Japanese military made no efforts to further their welfare, and provided them neither food nor medical attention nor supplies. On the contrary, the Nip soldiers often confiscated food and other necessities from slender civilian stocks, and towards the end were even evicting the bewildered natives from cave shelters coveted by a harassed soldiery. The unfortunate civilians were not only subjected to danger from chance shots, but also at times became targets of artillery, naval gunfire, or aerial attack as a result of being confused with the enemy troops.

Several tens of thousands passed into our lines in late June as organized enemy resistance collapsed in the southern part of the island. Their numbers had been greatly depleted by deaths already, and of those appearing at that time, about one-quarter were in need of medical attention and many were grievously wounded, some with injuries unattended for many days. Medical facilities for civilians were not provided in southern Okinawa, except for those which could be spared from hard-pressed tactical line units. As a result, the majority of the injured received inadequate or no medical attention when first coming into our lines. The people were crowded into trucks, wounded and all, and sent north over rough roads to concentration areas, some of which were 40 miles away. This bouncing ride was particularly hard on unsplinted fracture cases. The routing of truck-loads of civilians seems to have been confused, as truck drivers often found that the camp to which they were ordered to take the loads was unwilling to accept the people, and directions were given to take the natives on to another area, where in many instances the process was repeated. Thus truck drivers were often put into the position of shopping around to deliver their loads. During the ride and incident delays the people were not provided adequate food and water or treatment and many were removed from the trucks at the final destination dead or in a state too far gone to permit recovery. Small wounded children were particularly susceptible to dehydration during the trip.

Medical care, food, and water were available at the end of the journey, and those receiving such assistance were appreciative and grateful. Apparently they saw no reason why we should help them at all, and hence when at the end of the trip they received kind treatment, they regarded it as an unexpected windfall rather than as any right due them under humanity.


Within the concentration areas, civilians proved to be docile and co-operative, and appeared to be reasonably content for the time being to abide by the conditions the war had forced on them. There has been almost no evidence of hostility or acts of violence or treachery on the part of Okinawans directly in our care. Japanese soldiers attempting to mingle with civilians to escape capture were usually turned in to MP’s by the civilians themselves. Headmen came forth without hesitation and usually performed their duties as expected. Difficulties were experienced mainly in enforcing sanitary regulations and the like.

This state of affairs was disturbed slightly at times by guerrilla bands comprised of defeated remnants of enemy troops. They gathered together and organized after having been scattered by our operations and patrols, and have made forays into some of the concentration areas. Such guerrilla bands have killed some of the headmen and intimidated others, carried off food from civilian stocks, and thrown a discordant note into affairs. A number of headmen waxed fearful and resigned and a noticeable stir of mild apprehension became apparent. It is noteworthy that these guerrilla activities did not serve to turn the Okinawans against us, but rather brought resentment down on the Japanese themselves.

At the risk of oversimplification, one might summarize the attitude of the average Okinawan as follows: He appears to be desirous of being left in peace to farm his land, and is not particular as to the auspices under which he would labor. It appears to him that we are in Okinawa to stay, and that we intend to do what we can to see that the Okinawan is fed and cared for and given medical attention. He foresees the possibility of a tolerable life under us, and hence regards further interference from Japanese as undesirable. He hopes for an amelioration of the present crowded and inconvenient features of camp life, and desires normal family routine to be restored. He is grateful for the medical care and food supplied. He is willing to co-operate with the above ends in view, and is relieved to realize all his dire fears are not likely to materialize.

The reaction of certain Okinawans who have had previous contact with westerners differs somewhat. Several natives appeared who had lived for a while as colonists or otherwise in Hawaii, Peru, Brazil, or other localities in the Western Hemisphere. From the start they knew that Japanese tales of anticipated American atrocities were false. They entered our lines early in the campaign and without fear, and were in some instances of considerable assistance in persuading terror-stricken natives that we would protect them and in giving service as headmen.

The reaction of certain educated and intelligent Okinawans and Japanese people of whom one might speak as “intelligentsia” is also worthy of mention. Perhaps the characteristics of the salient features of this reaction were exemplified by Dr. Iyesaka and expressed in a signed statement he prepared and submitted (see appendix). In brief, such educated people had had some contact with Western liberal and scientific ideas and were impressed by them. This early liberal impression appears to have been submerged by repeated propaganda along orthodox Japanese philosophical lines reinforced by continued Japanese success in battle, until many persons seemed almost to believe that Japan was indeed a divine country destined to rule the world, and that the continued victories evidenced this concept. Such semi-convinced individuals conformed with the group about them until confronted by realities of defeat and a shattering of the mystical concepts of Japanese myths, whereupon they embraced anew the very same liberal and objective methods of thought which they had sought to repress for so many years.


It has been remarked often that orientals seem to feel deep psychological necessity to conform in patterns of thought with the predominant group around them. Now that our thoughts are predominent in Okinawa, this factor lends itself to our advantage.

Present tendencies.—By now (July 10) the violent disturbances of war have been accomplished and the people are settling down to a camp economy destined to continue for many months. Administrative organizations, courts, ration system, police systems, and the like arc working in the concentration areas with increasing efficiency. New housing is being erected in amounts sufficient to ameliorate partially the present very grave overcrowding. Native handicrafts are starting up again, and an effort is being made to make the people as self-sustaining as possible within the limitations set by the concentration areas. Perhaps surprisingly, the people seem to be reasonably happy under the circumstances prevailing.

It seems quite apparent that the Okinawans potentially lend themselves favorably to any long-range military utilization of the island of Okinawa. There seems to be no reason why, if handled properly, they cannot be turned into native citizens as loyal as the Guamanians or Filipinos. Every indication is that the Okinawans will respond favorably to an enlightened program incorporating adequate and sympathetic consideration of their health and material and psychological welfare. Such a program, properly integrated with the present and future military use of the island, may repay us many times over in case hostilities develop in the area after this war.

Appendix.—The following statement was prepared spontaneously by Dr. Kosaburo Iyesaka, a Japanese physician who was trained in a Japanese Imperial University medical school and who subsequently went to Okinawa and practiced many years in a village in the northern part of the island. He appeared inside our lines within a few days of the time in which his territory was overrun and went to work immediately assisting in the care of the numerous sick and injured Okinawans in our custody.

The statement was written in mid-April, 1945, entirely on his own initiative, without prompting or request in any form from any outside authority. The original statement is given here exactly as Dr. Iyesaka wrote it, including all the imperfections in English. The original statement was released to the press during the Okinawa campaign and has been printed in whole or in part in various newspapers throughout the country.


DOCTOR IYESAKA'S STATEMENT
Gentlemen:

Honourable Army and Navy Surgeons; High Officials of American campaign here:

Dear Doctors:

I beg your pardon to let me speak a little in this opportunity in meeting with you here in the battlefield. To show how I have felt, nay what the greater part of intelligentsia of Japan are thinking, about the war between Japan and America may be somewhat interesting for you to hear. For 1 am very sorry to see with my naked eye the accurate defeat of the Japanese Army which overshadows preluding the downfall of the great Japanese Empire having the glorious history during 3000 years. Such datum as the downfall of our Fatherland, Nippon, is a most tragical and horrible fact never to be thinked of by us Japanese. For we all Japanese thinks Japan as a Land of Gods (Shinkoku) (Kaminokuni) never to be trampled down by any other nation.

(1) Before six centuries against the great Mongolian Army.
(2) Before 50 years against the great Chinese Army.
(3) Before 40 years against the great Russian Army we get great victory every time at the moment of crisis of downfalling.
(4) Now against the great American Army this time Japan is waging a war which I can see with my naked eye and think over coolminded with the scientific investigation. God save us! The sad and most lamentable conclusions seem to come, quite different with three other eases.


These 3 miraculous victories over the greater nations resulted in aggrandizing and aggravating the value of legend and tradition handed down from the olden times of our forefathers. So we became self-conceited and superstitious dreamers through all classes of Japan, even in the Intelligentsia.

Some professors in the Imperial University who insisted his own free thought from the standpoints of true political science were compelled to be grave criminal. “2x2 = 4 is truth,” as you know. To them dreamers 2x2 = 6 seems like truth. The thought of the land of Gods dominion is against these elementary mathematical axioms. The war against the great American Army is the war of falsehood against truth, the war of tradition against theory, of restriction against freedom.

Now let me glance over the Okinawa people. Their health indeed arc on lamentable and pitiable conditions. The young men in Loochoo districts are sick and wretched from,

(1) Ancylostoma duodenale (ancylostomiasis).
(2) Filaria Bancrofti (filariasis, elephantiasis, bile or milk urine).
(3) Tuberculosis of lung and bone, and others.
(4) Leprosy of every kind, etc., etc.,

Okinawa Island have the highest percentage of leprosy so their efficiency as soldiers and any other workmen is much robbed and enfeebled. The defeat of Japanese Army Corps in Loochoo is a tragical and accurate fact which overshadows the defeat of Japan proper. The people of this small island which could not self-supply his own eating materials are almost starving. But the greater part of them are crimeless and pure at this emergency, unknown what or how they arc fighting. Their sons, houses, living materials, all of them dead or burnt down. Wandering and lodging here and here in the mountain caves and riversides crying and weeping, they are near death, overwhelmed with hideous fatigue. The false propaganda that the American Army should kill not only soldiers but them all, baby, old and weak, and should wipe off the name of Japan from the surface of the eastern globe planted the horrible thought of murderous death upon the brain of all Okinawans.

But the fact was reverse. I could see how the American soldiers are kind and upright to the poor and helpless peaceful man, giving them tobacco and cakes every time they meet. This fact totally different from the propaganda, was a wonder to them. Especially to found the Red Cross Hospital in which many excellent experts and good experienced Army and Navy Surgeons arc busy in helping all sick and wounded of people in general arc surely a mysterious wonder.

But I could not endure to see the miserable and pitiful scene of war on battlefield no more. I am praying for the speedy finish of war in Okinawa, this helping Okinawa from starving. Because if the war continues more, one month later today it is supposed they would really be starved and sickness get bad and dead. God help Okinawa and bless you. Lastly I am deeply indebted to you to give the permission to speak my insufficient English.

/s/ Dr. Kosaburo Iyesaka

沖縄タイムス 2024年3月22日「第32軍ができた日」特集 ~ あの日 あの時 戦場で ~ 若者とたどる沖縄戦80年」

琉球新報沖縄タイムスは本土の人がネットでサブすくする価値のある新聞である。

 

 

 1944年3月22日に、大本営が日本軍の第32軍を創設し、沖縄に配備されることが決まった。部隊配備により、陣地構築や軍への食糧供出が日常になるなど、県民生活は軍事一色に染められていく。あれから80年。政府は再び南西諸島の防衛力強化を唱え、沖縄に自衛隊配備を進めている。二度と惨禍を繰り返さないために沖縄戦をどう継承していくか。80年前の記憶が刻まれた場所を体験者と若者がたどり、平和を考える。

 

 国道507号は、全国の国道で一番大きい番号をその名に持つ。沖縄本島南部を縦断する新たなアクセス道路で、交通量も多い。

 この道路の工事に向けた南風原町津嘉山の発掘調査で2006年、日本軍の司令部壕跡が姿を現した。「チカシモー」「高津嘉山」と呼ばれる二つの丘陵の地下に張り巡らされた壕の総延長は2キロといわれる。

 80年前の1944年3月22日、第32軍が創設された。戦況が悪化した7月、米軍の沖縄上陸が確実になったと見て全島の要塞化を進めた。最初の司令部壕の場所に選ばれたのが津嘉山だった。構築は同年夏ごろから始まった。

 

 当時15歳だった與座章健さん(95)=南風原町=は、司令部壕から数百メートルの場所に住んでいた。「つかざんトンネル」や片側2車線の真っすぐな道を指さし、「この辺は全く変わったよ」と語る。

 

 傍らには沖縄戦を学び、発信している沖縄大学4年の本村杏珠さん(22)。與座さんは過去の記憶をたぐり、話し始めた。

 


第32軍が当初司令部壕を構築した津嘉山の丘陵周辺で戦前の様子を話す與座章健さん(右)と大学生の本村杏珠さん=2023年12月、南風原町津嘉山のつかざんトンネル前(小宮健撮影)

 



授業なくなり、陣地構築に

 県立第一中学校(現在の首里高校)在学中は、自宅から首里の校舎まで片道5キロの坂の多い道のりを歩いて通った。授業はなくなり、校庭のわら人形を木銃で突くような日々。陣地構築にも駆り出された。

 

戦前の沖縄県立第一中学校(那覇市歴史博物館提供)

 

 父や母、きょうだいと一緒に生活していたが、兄は軍に取られ、6歳下の妹は宮崎に疎開した。「寒くてひもじい思いをしていないかね、とお母さんはいつも心配していた」と振り返る。

 南風原の各集落には日本軍の部隊が駐屯するようになり、民家にも兵隊が宿泊。與座さんの家にも10人くらいの兵隊が宿泊していたという。

 

入隊へ、沈黙する父から承諾印

 米軍の上陸が迫った1945年3月下旬。沖縄師範学校や旧制中学に通っていた少年たちが「鉄血勤皇隊」として駆り出された。

 

県立第一中学校の生徒たち。前列右端が與座章健さん=1944年(養秀同窓会提供)

 

 16歳になっていた與座さんも入隊のため、親に承諾印をもらうよう指示された。「父親がどんな気持ちだったかは分からないが、助役をしていた立場上か、一言も言わず印鑑を押した」と振り返る。

 「家族でごちそうを食べてその晩、『これが家族との別れになるんだなあ』と思い、涙を拭きながら、とぼとぼ首里に戻ったのが忘れられんさ」

 與座さんの話に耳を傾けながら、当時の様子を想像した本村さんは「家族がバラバラになり、戦争が迫りくる状況は恐ろしかったと思う」とつぶやいた。

 

 

 南風原町津嘉山の司令部壕を後にした第32軍は、1945年3月下旬には首里城地下の新しい司令部壕を本格的に運用し始めたと考えられている。総延長約1キロ、深い所で地下30メートルに達する壕には約千人の将兵と沖縄の軍属や学徒、「慰安婦」とみられる女性たちがいたという。 

 

第32軍司令部壕(沖縄県公文書館所蔵)

 

1日1回の食事で壕堀りに奔走

 16歳で鉄血勤皇隊に動員された與座さんは、第32軍の壕を掘る作業に駆り出された。現在の「一中健児之塔」(那覇市首里金城町)付近にある一中の壕で寝泊まりしながら、作業に奔走。壕内の土をトロッコに載せて外に運び出していた。

 「外でトロッコの土をスコップで放り出すから時間がかかって危険であるわけ。飛行機は飛んでくるし、艦砲射撃はくるし」

 かつての作業場所とみられる県立芸術大学首里金城キャンパス付近を訪れた與座さんは、路線バスや車が行き交う周囲の景色を見渡しながら当時の様子を振り返った。

 


沖縄戦時、自身が壕堀り作業をしていたとみられる場所の近くで、当時の様子を振り返る與座章健さん(左)と話を聞く本村杏珠さん=2023年12月、那覇市・県立芸術大学首里金城キャンパス前(小宮健撮影)

 

 2人1組で精いっぱいトロッコを押すものの、芋と米が混ざった1日1回ほどの食事しか口にできていない状態では力が出ない。トロッコが動かないと、そばを通る兵隊に「お前たち、元気出せ」と尻を蹴飛ばされた。


遺書を書きながら「短い一生だった」

 配属将校から言われるままに遺書を書いたことも覚えている。壕の中で紙とペンを渡された。内容はほとんど記憶にないが「恐らく命を落とす。短い一生だったなあと思った」と話す。

 與座さんの話を真剣な表情で聞いていた本村さんは「もっと青春を楽しみたかっただろうし、やり残したこともたくさんあったのかなと思う。若者が遺書を書かされる時代は、沖縄戦が最後であってほしい」と願った。

 

県立一中の生徒が家族に宛てて書いた遺書=一中学徒資料展示室

 

 與座さんは1945年4月中旬、部隊の食糧不足を理由に除隊を命じられる。家族と南部を逃げ回る中、米軍の捕虜になり、旧玉城村(現南城市百名の収容所で生活した。戦後は琉球政府金融検査庁に勤め、ドルから円の通貨交換の前に秘密裏に実施した「通貨確認」などに携わった。


一中生200人以上が犠牲に

 戦争で命を落とした一中生は200人以上に上り、同級生も多く犠牲になった。與座さんは退職後、沖縄戦に動員された21校の元学徒らでつくる「元全学徒の会」の共同代表として、沖縄戦を語り継ぐ活動にも取り組んだ。

 

一中健児之塔。碑の前では毎年、慰霊祭が執り行われている

 年齢を重ね、最近は証言を求められることも少なくなっていたが、「戦争体験者が亡くなっていく中で、語るのは自分の使命」と話す。本村さんから「與座さんにとって平和とは何ですか」と質問され、一息入れてこう語った。

 「よく物事を考えないと、ばかなところへ走っていってしまう。人間というのは、気が付いたら大変なことになってしまっているということかね」
(社会部・當銘悠)

 

youtu.be

 

 

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本土の捕虜収容所「マッカーサーへの嘆願書 ~ 直江津捕虜収容所で起きた“2つの悲劇” とは」 (新潟放送 2022年8月31日)

良い記事。

しかし、日本の国内の捕虜収容所と同時に、米軍などによる日本兵捕虜の収容所なども取材したほうがよいだろう。日本の捕虜政策の異常さがより分かりやすくなり、また連合国各国の軍事法廷の異常な厳しさのそこに何があったのかもわかりやすくなるだろう。

 

 『マッカーサーへの嘆願書』

『マッカーサーへの嘆願書』直江津捕虜収容所で起きた“2つの悲劇” とは

TBS NEWS DIG (1ページ)

新潟放送 2022年8月31日(水) 

1942年、上越市直江津に建てられた捕虜収容所にはおよそ300人のオーストラリア人が収容され、過酷な生活を強いられて多数の死者が出ました。そして、終戦後は収容所の職員が裁判で責任を問われ8人が死刑となりました。戦争が生んだ2つの悲劇です。

上越日豪協会 関勝会長】「こちらにあるのが法務死された方8人の方の碑です」

 


海が広がる上越市川原町にある平和記念公園
その公園に一つの石碑があります。

上越日豪協会 関勝会長】「捕虜収容所には捕虜の人もいたし、捕虜を監視する人もいた」

こう語るのは、上越日豪協会の関勝会長です。

 

この直江津の地で起きた悲劇を将来に語り次ぐ活動を行っています。川原町にあったのが直江津捕虜収容所です。

 

 

およそ300人のオーストラリア人捕虜が収容され、港近くの工場で炭鉱などの作業に従事させられていました。

 


当時、捕虜収容所近くで暮らしていた石塚洋子さん(92)は、その様子を覚えていました。

 

【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「(当時)高田の学校行ってたんですけど、駅で私乗り換えて郷津まで乗り換えるもんだから、寒いから(駅の中)入って待ってると、どこかで働いてきたらしい捕虜たちがぞろぞろと帰ってくのに出会ったりして、あぁ捕虜も大変なんだなあと思いながら見ていた覚えがあります。でも、あくまでも敵の捕虜だから、同情の気持ちはなかったような気しますね。仕方がないなと思って」

 


石塚さんは終戦後、オーストラリア人の捕虜や、その家族らと交流を深めるなど当時の記憶を語り継ぐ活動を行っていました。今年で92歳。当時学生だった石塚洋子さんは捕虜の様子をこう記憶しています。

【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「海岸へいろいろ揚げられた石炭や何かを、積み替える仕事してたような気がしますね。雑用ですけどね、でも、あの頃そういう雑用のようなのはたくさんあったから、多分役割としてさせられていたと思います。何か罰があるみたいで、気を遣いながら、働いてもらってたようなそんな雰囲気がありましたね」

当時は、日本国内も厳しい食糧難でした。そんな中、悲劇は起きました。

上越日豪協会 関勝会長】「食料と同時に、気候風土も全然違うところですからね。しかもここは12月になると、しかも海すぐそばですからね、相当な強風が吹いたりするわけですから、最悪の事態じゃないかと思うわけです」

 

捕虜たちが生活していた場所は暖房の無い朽ちた倉庫。十分な食料などを与えられないまま工場や炭鉱で働かされ、栄養失調などで60人の捕虜が亡くなりました。

 

 

雪が降る極寒の中、死んだ仲間を自分たちで運ぶことも指示されました。直江津捕虜収容所で起きた悲劇はこれだけでは終わりませんでした。

 

【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「収容所で働いていた人が捕虜を虐待した。戦後、捕虜を虐待したという罪で、死刑が出たんですよ」

終戦後の軍事裁判によって捕虜収容所で警備などを担当した8人の職員が捕虜虐待罪に問われ処刑されました。死刑になった職員の中には、元々は軍と全く関係のない農家や桶職人などをしていた人もいました。

 

 

石塚さんは、当時収容所で何があったか記録しようと職員の遺族とも交流していました。

【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「悔しい思いして亡くなったと思います。自分では正しいという指導の下に行ったことが後で虐待したんだって、向こうから責められて罪になったりとかそういう人もいましたし」

捕虜虐待などの罪を問われ、連合国各国の軍事法廷で裁かれたB・C級戦犯は合わせて920人が処刑されました。平和記念公園展示館には裁判で死刑となった職員の遺書の写しも展示されています。中には、無実を訴えるものもありました。


「私は殺人をしてはおらぬことをここに断言できる。又捕虜は病気で死んだ。又叩いたため負傷したことも絶対にないのである。では私は殺される理由がないことになる。弱肉強食という言葉がある故、これも因縁で止む得ない。一切この世に誠はない」

 

 

これは死刑が決まった職員の親族が刑の減刑を求めてGHQ司令官のマッカーサーに宛てて送った嘆願書です。

 

「連合軍最高司令部マッカーサー司令官閣下。横浜軍事裁判で絞首刑の判決を受けた元直江津第四分所勤務元陸軍軍属の母です。昭和18年8月で第四分所をやめたにも拘わらず昭和19年に勤務をしたとして罪を負わせ、また弁護士の言い分を少しも聞き入れてなく不平裁判でありますがどうか私たちの信頼するマッカーサー司令閣下の許で今一度再審査をして頂き減刑されんことを切にお願い致します」

 


【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「その当時は国の方針に従ってなければ、自分も罪人になるような感じだから。戦時中の日本は怖かったんですよ。忠義でなければ駄目だっていうふうに言われて」


死刑が執行されると、家族のもとに法務省から刑の執行を知らせる手紙が送られたそうです。

【捕虜収容所近くに居住 石塚洋子さん】「なんていうかな、みんな一生懸命やったことが全部裏目に出て、そういう犯罪にも繋がるっていう、そんな変な時代でしたね。だからね、つらい方がいっぱいいました。自分で始めたわけじゃないけど、戦争なんてするもんじゃないと思ったね」


直江津捕虜収容所で亡くなったオーストラリア兵と死刑となった日本人職員を慰霊する「平和の集い」が行われ、参列者は鎮魂の祈りを捧げました。上越日豪協会の関会長は1942年生まれ。直江津捕虜収容所については生まれて間もないため記憶がありませんが戦争の悲劇を風化させまいと、語り継ぐ活動を続けていきます。

 

上越日豪協会 関勝会長】「この場所は悲劇が起こりましたけども、悲劇は歴史の中の一部ですから悲劇は悲劇として伝えなければ忘れ去られてしまいますんで、悲劇をつたえてもらい、それを今後に生かして次の世代に伝えていきたいなと思います」


二度と悲劇を起こさない…。悲劇が生まれた直江津の地では終戦から77年たった今も平和への思いを繋げています。

 

 

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隠される朝鮮人労働者の名簿「(多事奏論)世界遺産めざす佐渡金山 資料の有無すら言えぬとは」

 

労務者が「植民地」から「労務者」が強制的に連れてこられていたか、いなかったのかー 資料が提示されなければ、強制連行がなかったと反論することもできないだろうに。戦後も、隠せばなんとかなる、隠した方がよい、というメンタリティーは戦前・戦中と変わりない。いつまでたっても変わらない。

 

中途半端に隠しても、何も変わらないのであれば、すべておおやけにしても、この国では何の痛みも伴わず何も変わらない。安心して公開しろ。

 

(多事奏論)世界遺産めざす佐渡金山 資料の有無すら言えぬとは 

田玉恵美
2023年12月2日 5時00分

(多事奏論)世界遺産めざす佐渡金山 資料の有無すら言えぬとは 田玉恵美:朝日新聞デジタル

 図書館で奇妙な体験をした。ある資料を閲覧したいと申し出ると、しばらくしてやってきた職員にこう言われた。

 

 「これは、所蔵しているかどうか、お答えしないことになっているんです」

 

 私は新潟県立図書館で、来年の世界文化遺産登録をめざす佐渡金山について調べていた。検索したところ、かつての鉱山会社が提供した「佐渡鉱山史」を所蔵しているとの記述があったのだが……。

 

 説明に出てきた職員は、隣にある県立文書館の副館長だった。あるかないかすら言えないのはなぜか聞くと、「それも言えない」という。取材すると、佐渡鉱山をめぐっては、ほかにも新潟県で「お蔵入り」になっている資料があった。

     *

 戦時中に佐渡鉱山で働いた朝鮮人労働者の名簿を、県立文書館が持っている。歴史研究者の竹内康人さんは、仲間から以前そう聞いた。今春、同館に閲覧を申し入れると、非公開だと断られた。

 

 竹内さんによると、県立文書館の説明はこうだ。名簿は、鉱山会社が所蔵していた「半島労務者名簿」。県が「新潟県史」の編纂(へんさん)をしていた最中の1983年に原本を撮影した写真(マイクロフィルム)がある。だが所有者の許可がなく、公開していない――。

 

 詳しく事情を聴こうと先月、私が県立文書館に問い合わせると、竹内さんには存在を認めたはずの名簿についても「あるのかないのかお答えしない」という。ならばと、鉱山会社を吸収合併した「ゴールデン佐渡」に聞いた。

 

 河野雅利社長によると、92年に県立文書館から照会があった際、半島労務者名簿や私が探していた佐渡鉱山史は原本がなくなったので「公開を控えてほしいと回答した」という。親会社の三菱マテリアルにも報告しての決定だった。

 

 2年前の着任以来、河野さんもあちこち探したが名簿は今も行方知れずだという。「原本がなく(文書館にある名簿が)正しいものかわからない」ため、いまも公開を認めるつもりはないそうだ。

 

 佐渡では、朝鮮人寮へのたばこの配給台帳などから労働者の実態を探ろうと地元の研究者らが長年奔走してきた。それでも全体像はわかっていないという。

 

 「名簿は鉱山で働いた人々の歴史を示す重要な基礎資料です。世界遺産をめざすなら、歴史全体を知るため市民が幅広く資料にアクセスできるようにすべきではないでしょうか」と竹内さんは言う。

 

 当時の知事が指揮して刊行した「新潟県史」は、佐渡鉱山などへの朝鮮人の動員を「強制連行」と書いていて、一部にこうした理解に反発する動きがある。

 

 昨年の県議会で見解を問われた花角英世知事は「(県史の記述が)直ちに事実だとかということになるかどうかは、今まさに国と一緒に改めて調査をしている」と発言し、波紋を呼んだ。

 

 新潟史学会の原直史会長(新潟大教授)は「世界遺産登録に前のめりになるあまり、県民と研究者の努力の結晶である県史を軽視するかのような知事の姿勢は問題です」という。県立文書館の対応も疑問視する。「元の所蔵者の許可なしに資料を公開できないのはまだ理解できます。しかし、資料の有無すら明らかにしないのはおかしい。なんらかの圧力に屈していると疑われて当然でしょう」

 

 鉱山一帯を歩くと、独特の景観や現場を支えた人々の痕跡が残り、見ごたえがあった。その深みある鉱山文化の一部が腫れもの扱いされるような事態に、なんとも残念な気持ちになっている。

 (論説委員

 

 

沖縄タイムス「飛行中に10件の重大事故… オスプレイ普天間配備10年」(2022年10月1日)

 

飛行中に10件の重大事故

飛行中に10件の重大事故… オスプレイ普天間配備10年 安全性への懸念 払拭されず 陸自も計17機計画

2022年10月1日 10:12

 米軍普天間飛行場に輸送機MV22オスプレイが配備されて1日で10年となった。開発段階で事故が相次ぎ、安全性への懸念が払拭されていなかった機体は、普天間配備後も、飛行中に少なくとも10件の重大事故とされるクラスAの事故が発生している。

 

2016年12月に名護市安部の海岸に墜落した事故も含まれる。日米で合意した「飛行ルール」は順守されているとはいえず、県内全首長が配備撤回を求めて署名した「建白書」は一顧だにされていない状況が続いている。一方、政府は「安全性に問題はない」(浜田靖一防衛相)として、陸上自衛隊への配備も進める。(政経部・大城大輔、東京報道部・新垣卓也)

 

 米軍普天間飛行場のMV22オスプレイは、老朽化したCH46ヘリを更新するため24機が配備された。ヘリのように垂直離着陸し、固定翼機のように飛行できるなど機能強化の側面もある。強襲上陸作戦や災害救援などで、人員や物資などを輸送する役割を担う。

 

 CH46に比べ最大速度は約2倍、搭載量は約3倍、行動半径は約4倍とされている。

 

 陸上自衛隊も南西地域の防衛力強化を目的に、部隊を迅速かつ大規模に輸送・展開するため、2020年7月から木更津駐屯地(千葉県)にV22オスプレイを暫定配備している。

 現在は9機だが、防衛省は「最適の飛行場」と判断している佐賀空港を一部整備し、25年までに木更津のオスプレイを移駐させる考え。最終的には計17機を配備する計画だ。

 有事の際には、陸自の離島防衛専門部隊「水陸機動団」も輸送する。陸自トップの吉田圭秀陸上幕僚長は、これまでの記者会見で南西地域での陸自オスプレイの訓練に関しては「具体的計画はないが、地元の理解が得られれば行う可能性はある」と述べた。

■安全確保策 骨抜き

 MV22オスプレイは日米合同委員会合意で安全確保策として交わした飛行に関する覚書は「できる限り」などの文言で骨抜きにされている。

 普天間飛行場への配備に際し、日米合同委員会で承認した覚書では、同飛行場への進入や出発経路は「できる限り学校や病院を含む人口密集地域上空を避ける」とされている。だが、最近では2021年11月に住宅地にオスプレイから水筒が落下した。

 「米軍の施設や区域内でのみ垂直離着陸モードで飛行し、転換モードで飛行する時間をできる限り限定する」ともされるが、逸脱するような飛行もたびたび目撃されている。

 航空機騒音規制措置(騒音防止協定)に準じて、夜10時から翌朝6時までの間は、飛行や地上での活動は「運用上必要と考えられるものに制限される」とされるものの、夜間飛行は常態化しており、県や宜野湾市がたびたび順守を求めている。

 

 今年9月の日米合同委員会では、覚書で「地上から500フィート以上の高度で飛行する」としていたのを、22日間の限定だが「300フィート以上500フィート未満」(沖縄は除く)に引き下げ、当初の合意内容から緩和し、運用の幅を広げている。

 

■ 訓練移転 効果みえず

 米軍普天間飛行場所属MV22オスプレイに関し、防衛省は県外への訓練移転を進めるとしている。「沖縄での駐留や訓練時間が削減される」と負担軽減を強調するが、2016年9月の日米合意以降、毎年度ごとに2~3回ほど、計15回にとどまる。

 

 普天間飛行場には外来機も多く飛来しており、実質的な負担軽減につながっているとは言えない状況だ。

 

 1回目は16年、グアムなどに訓練を移転。その後は、北海道大演習場や東富士演習場静岡県)など国内で実施されている。

 

 防衛省によると、22年度は計3回の訓練移転を予定。1日から14日までの間、北海道内の演習場などで予定されている陸上自衛隊と米海兵隊の実動訓練「レゾリュート・ドラゴン22」にも訓練移転が組み込まれる形となった。

 

 移転に伴う航空機の飛行経費や人員・物資の輸送費は日本側が負担する。

 

 

 

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米製オスプレイをお買い上げしたのは日本だけ ~ 生産ラインも閉鎖の可能性

極めて事故率の高いオスプレイで、どうやって「人道支援」「災害救援」するというのか。

 

人道支援」「災害救援」というなら、東京に配備するのが妥当だろうが、なぜ佐賀県に持ってくる? 訓練を沖縄の基地で行おうとしていないか?

 

オスプレイは、その始動段階から既に終わっている。そんな米製「輸送機」のために、日本の人命をリスクにさらし、日本の税金をたれ流すことに何の意味があるのか。

 

V22オスプレイの米生産工場、ボーイングが2025年にも閉鎖の可能性

 高橋浩祐 米外交・安全保障専門オンライン誌「ディプロマット」東京特派員

陸自初導入のオスプレイ2020年7月に木更津駐屯地に到着した(高橋浩祐撮影)

 

米軍と陸上自衛隊が運用する垂直離着陸輸送機「V22オスプレイ」向けの機体や主要機器を生産する米ボーイング社の工場が早ければ2025年にも閉鎖される可能性が出てきた。

 

英軍事週刊誌ジェーンズ・ディフェンス・ウィークリーの25日付の記事によると、ボーイングのV22プログラムマネジャーであるシェーン・オープンショー氏は23日、オスプレイの生産・組立ラインの閉鎖についての議論が始まったと述べた。

 

同氏は「今後の追加注文を条件として、そうした話し合いを始めている」と認め、「おそらくあと2年(で生産ラインの閉鎖)と予想している」と述べた。

 

同氏によれば、米東部ペンシルベニア州フィラデルフィアにある同社の工場では、V22の能力向上のため、プロセッサーやワイヤーハーネス(組み電線)、電気部品をアップグレードし、同機のブロックB形態をブロックC形態へと改修している。

 

米海軍は2月、「V22の生産ライン停止をサポートする臨時エンジニアリング」事業の募集を発表した。そして、同機を開発したベル・ボーイング合弁会社がこの契約を受注することを明らかにした。募集内容には生産ライン閉鎖の期限は公表されていなかった。

 

オープンショー氏によると、受注済みの36機のオスプレイがいまだ製造されていないほか、25機がブロックCにアップグレードされる予定だという。

 

V22オスプレイは1989年に初飛行した当時は「革新的な能力を持つ輸送機」との触れ込みでデビューした。ティルトローター(傾斜式回転翼)機として世界で名をはせてきた。しかし、米国以外でオスプレイを運用しているのは日本だけだ。陸上自衛隊が計17機の順次配備を進めている。2020年7月に千葉県の木更津駐屯地で5年間の限定で暫定配備が始まった。防衛省は九州、沖縄の防衛力を強化する自衛隊の「南西シフト」の一環として佐賀空港への最終配備を目指す。同空港の隣接地に佐賀駐屯地(仮称)を新設する計画だ。

 

防衛省はかねてオスプレイ陸自の従来の輸送ヘリ「CH47」に比べ、「最大速度が約2倍、航続距離と飛行高度が約3倍と高い性能を有する」と強調。「離島防衛や災害救援には速さが重要で、機動展開能力が高い」とアピールし、オスプレイ導入を推し進めてきた。

 

しかし、インドネシアイスラエルなど調達に興味を示していた国々も最終的には導入を見送り、海外では買い手がほとんど見つかってこなかったのが実情だ。ネックとなってきたのが輸送機としては割高な価格だ。防衛省によると、2018年度の防衛予算では1機当たり約100億円だった。これに対し、CH47は1機当たり約55億円にとどまっている。

 

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高橋浩祐の最近の記事

 

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